BOOK FIVE: The Great Upheaval
BOOK ONE: French Acadia
BOOK TWO: British Nova Scotia
BOOK THREE: Families, Migration, and the Acadian "Begats"
BOOK FOUR: The French Maritimes
BOOK SIX: The Acadian Immigrants of Louisiana
BOOK SEVEN: French Louisiana
BOOK EIGHT: A New Acadia
BOOK NINE:
The deportation fleet exits the Gut at Annapolis Royal, October 1755 ...01b
Upheavals Large and Small
The Acadians' Great Upheaval, or Grand Dérangement, is often dated 1755, the year in which the British forcibly removed thousands of Acadians from Nova Scotia and sent them to nine of their other Atlantic colonies. Historians also consider the year 1758 as part of the Grand Dérangement, when victoriouis British forces in the French Maritime islands deported hundreds of more Acadians to St.-Malo and other French ports. But one could make a case that the Acadian upheaval began long before the 1750s, that a series of petit dérangements, beginning with the voluntary "removal" of Acadians from Nova Scotia to the French Maritime islands in 1714, shook their Fundy communities for decades. These petit dérangements continued with the not-so-voluntary "removal" of Acadians from Nova Scotia to the French Maritimes following British victory in King George's War in the late 1740s, and the decidedly involuntary removal of Chignecto Acadians by French Canadian militia and M'kmaq warriors from the British to the French side of Rivière Missaguash in the summer of 1750. Beginning in October 1750 and continuing for several years, many Chignecto Acadians crossed Mer Rouge to Île St.-Jean and joined their cousins already there. By 1755, then, Fundy Acadians had endured an almost continuous disruption of their way of life for nearly half a century. The mass deportations of the 1750s tore their culture from its geographical milieu. The roots of their culture--their families, their language, their faith, their collective identity--somehow survived being flung out to the world, but the place in which these roots had been set was, for the most part, no longer theirs. Many more petit dérangements followed the mass deportations, and some, both voluntary and involuntary, were nearly as large as les grand dérangements. The result was the creation of new Acadian cultures in places as far flung as the St. Lawrence valley and the bayous and prairies of South Louisiana.01c
Lawrence Springs the Trap, July 1755
What Shirley,
Lawrence, Monckton, and their ilk saw as a coordinated
military effort to rid British Nova Scotia of a hostile
population, the Acadians saw as nothing less than the
attempted destruction of their way of life. Before the ashes
cooled and the buzzards stopped circling, down to the
present day, sides have been drawn between apologists
for the B
Lieutenant-Governor
Charles Lawrence and his colonial Council began
stumbling their way through a policy of removal soon after
the fall of Fort Beauséjour. But before he could
impose such a radical measure, Lawrence was compelled to
set a series of traps in which to ensnare as many
Acadians as he could manage with fine points of British
law backed up by British bayonets. By the end of
June 1755, he had informed his superiors in London that
he was determined to drive "out of the country" the
Acadians of the Chignecto area, who had fought beside
the French at Beauséjour, but not until they provided
much needed labor in the reconstruction of the battered
fort. At the same time, he directed Captain
Alexander Murray at Fort Edward to order the 25
inhabitants from Minas and Pigiguit who had composed a
lengthy "Memorial" during the siege of Beauséjour
to report to Halifax by July 3, the date for the next
Council meeting. Correctly construing this order
as evidence Lawrence was unhappy with them
Most of the
Acadians summoned before the Council appeared at Halifax
on the appointed day. Judging by the apologetic
tone of their second memorial, they came to the colonial
capital expecting to be dressed down by angry British
officials. While they waited in the street outside
the governor's house, Lawrence took his seat inside the
Council chamber with the four men who would help
determine the fate of these impertinent Frenchmen:
Little is known of William Cotterell other than he
tended to be a Lawrence supporter. Benjamin Green,
who also got along well with Lawrence, had known the
lieutenant-governor longer than anyone else on the
present Council. A Massachusetts-born
merchant-turned-constable from Boston, in March 1745
Green had been appointed as General William Pepperell's
secretary on the eve of the expedition against
Louisbourg. Green remained at Louisbourg after
Pepperell's victory to serve as treasurer, councilman,
and commissary for the occupying forces, and there he
would have met Charles Lawrence. Green came to
Halifax in the summer of 1749, "at the same time as
Lawrence," and served not only on Governor Edward
Cornwallis's original Council, but also as a naval
officer and judge on the court of vice-admiralty at
Halifax. In 1750, he was appointed secretary to
the Council as well as provincial treasurer and now held
four colonial offices. In 1752, about the time
that Cornwallis resigned as governor, Green also
resigned, as Council secretary, but retained his
positions as naval officer and colonial treasurer, thus
keeping his seat on the new governor's Council.
Early the following year, during the governorship of
Peregrine Thomas Hopson, Green resigned his position on
the vice-admiralty court, again because his several
positions took up too much of his time, but he retained
his position as a naval officer and provincial treasurer
and kept his seat on the colonial Council.
Meanwhile, he engaged in business at Halifax, at one
time owning four large warehouses there. He was
married, the father of five children, and about to turn
age 42 in July 1755. Green's fellow councilor, John
Collier, age unknown, was a native of England who also
had come to Halifax with Cornwallis. Collier, a
retired army captain and purportedly a protégé of the
earl of Halifax, was prepared to launch a new career in
the new Nova Scotia capital. Cornwallis was
impressed with his fellow officer and appointed him as
justice of the peace in July 1749. In January
1752, during the final weeks of Cornwallis's
governorship, he appointed Collier to his colonial
Council. During Hopson's governorship,
D
Lawrence
wasted no time in pushing forward whatever he was
planning for the Acadians of Nova Scotia. On July
12, in orders issued through the garrison commanders,
the inhabitants of all of the Acadian communities in the
province were instructed to elect or, in the case of
Minas and Pigiguit, re-elect delegates who must report
to Halifax "as soon as possible, prepared to swear the
unqualified oath of allegiance." By then, the
imperial conflict in North America had taken a sudden,
dramatic turn. On July 9, three days before
Lawrence issued his orders, Major-General Edward
Braddock and his advanced force of redcoats and
provincials were decisively defeated at a crossing of
the Monongahela tantalizingly close to the Forks of the
Ohio. Braddock was mortally wounded in the mêlée
and was buried on his army's retreat five days later,
but news of it could not reach Halifax for nearly a
month. On the same day as Braddock's defeat,
however, the war, now a little over a year in the making
and still undeclared, became real and tangible to the
people living at Halifax: on July 9, a dozen or so
ships from Vice-Admiral Edward Boscawen's fleet
Lawrence
called another Council meeting for July 14. He
informed his four councilors of the contents of a
circular he had just received from Sir Thomas Robinson,
secretary of state for the Southern Department,
instructing all colonial governors "to cooperate with
Admiral Boscawen and provide him with all obtainable
intelligence." The secretary's direction, though
written on April 15 and now three months old, could not
be ignored. The circular had been written an ocean
away on the same day as Braddock's conference with the
five royal governors at the Carlyle House in Alexandria,
Virginia. Strangely, this also was the same day
that the Baron de Dieskau's fleet carrying thousands of
French troupes de terre left the port of Brest for
Québec and Louisbourg. Most of the the baron's
forces reached their destinations; the part of it that
failed to reach its destination was languishing on
nearby Georges Island. Braddock was dead, his
demoralized regiments retreating back towards Virginia
and Philadelphia. T
Since b
The July 15
meeting was an important step forward in the evolution
of Lawrence's removal policy. In attendance were
the same four councilors as had attended the earlier
meetings, as well as the two admirals. According
to the minutes, Lawrence wasted no time in addressing
the problem of the Acadians. He "laid before the
Admirals the late Proceedings of the Council in regard
to the French Inhabitants, and desired their Opinion and
Advice thereon." They reviewed the Council's
proceedings against the Acadians and, unsurprisingly,
approved of them. They added that "it was now the
properest Time to oblige the said Inhabitants to Take
the Oath of Allegiance to His Majesty, or to quit the
Country." Lawrence then read to them a letter from
Captain John Rous describing his encounter with the
French force on lower Rivière St.-Jean a few weeks
before. Rous was seeking advice from Lawrence and
the Council, and, tangentially, from his naval
superiors, on what he should do to neutralize the French
and Indians in that area. The councilors, perhaps
focusing on the bottom line, were of the opinion that
the fort on the lower St.-Jean should be left alone for
now. The discussion then turned to "the Number and
State of the Troops in this Province," especially in
light of the French reinforcements at Louisbourg and
Québec. Again, looking to the bottom line, the
Council pondered the question of whether or not it would
"be absolutely necessary for the Good of His Majesty's
Service, and the Security of this His Province, to
retain in pay the Two Thousand New England Troops now
under the Command of Lieutenant Colonel Monckton on the
Isthmus of Chignecto." The Council, as well as the
admirals, agreed that the troops "should be retained at
least untill the augmentation was compleated," but that
the transports who took them from Boston to Annapolis
and Chignecto "should be immediately discharged, to
avoid any unnecessary Expence."
Here was an
ominous sign for the Acadians of Nova Scotia. Here
also was tacit approval by two senior naval officers of
Lawrence's policy of removal. Boscawen would make
Halifax his headquarters until the following October.
"[T]he presence of the fleet in the region,"
Naomi Griffiths tells us, "obviously encouraged Lawrence" to
do what must be done to secure the province against
French aggression. Despite the presence of the
admirals and their formidable force, however, Lawrence
would remain in charge of Nova Scotia and direct
whatever military actions were needed there.
Three days
after the meeting with the admirals, Lawrence addressed
a letter to the Board of Trade. He had last
written Secretary Robinson and the Board of Trade on
June 28. In those letters he had informed his
superiors in London that he intended to rid the province
of the rebellious inhabitants at Chignecto. The
first part of his letter was an account of Captain
Rous's movement against the French on the lower St.-Jean
and its result. He then recounted the early July
Council meetings in which the Minas deputies refused to
take the unqualified oath. In reviewing the
Council's warning to the delegates of what would befall
them if they refused the oath, Lawrence admitted to the
Lords that he had informed the Acadians "if they should
then refuse, they must expect to be driven out of the
country...." He added that refusal to take the
oath without qualification meant "they refused to become
English subjects," that if "we could no longer look upon
them in that light; that we should send them to France
by the first opportunity, and till then" they would be
held prisoner on Georges Island. Lawrence admitted
that the deputies "have since earnestly desired to be
admitted to take the oath, but have not been admitted,
nor will any answer be given them until we see how the
rest of the inhabitants are disposed." He informed
the Lords of his order for the election of new Acadian
deputies who also must appear before the colonial
Council, and of the councillors' determination to "bring
the Inhabitants to a compliance, or rid the province of
such perfidious subjects."
There it was,
irrevocably expressed to the highest British
authority--a policy of removal. Lawrence's July 18
missive to London could not arrive until the autumn, and
the Lords' response could not reach him until the middle
of winter. Though it would cross a letter from
Secretary Robinson, dated August 13, that letter could
not reach Halifax until the middle of autumn. Writing in response to Lawrence's missive of
June 28, in which the lieutenant governor had announced
his determination to relocate the Chignecto Acadians,
the secretary "wrote that 'it cannot ... be too much
recommended to you, to use the greatest Caution and
Prudence in your Conduct, towards these neutrals, and to
assure such of Them, as may be trusted, especially upon
their taking the Oaths to His Majesty and His
Government, That they may remain in quiet Possession of
their Settlements under proper Regulation"--hardly a
ringing endorsement for "sending the Acadians out of the
colony." But by the time Lawrence would receive
this letter--it reached him in late October--even if words could have
swayed him, which they likely could not, his removal of all of the Acadians
from Nova Scotia was a fait accompli.
Lawrence, with the Council and the admirals behind him,
would be having his way with these "perfidious subjects."
Was the
policy of removal Governor Lawrence's and his alone?
Naomi Griffiths, the most informed scholar on
the history of the Acadians, answers in the affirmative.
Although the idea of removal may have, in the beginning,
belonged to Governor Shirley, and though Lawrence sought
the approval of his Council, the admirals, and his
regular officers in his efforts to be rid of these
"perfidious subjects," "essentially," Griffiths reminds us, "it was his policy" and no one
else's. Neither in his July 18 dispatch "nor in
any other of his letters to London," she adds, "did
Lawrence suggest that anyone else was responsible for
the evolution of his policy towards the Acadians."
Not only
could Lawrence produce no policy emanating from London
that encouraged, much less authorized, the deportation
of the Acadians, his July 18 missive,
By then, other Acadian communities had responded to
Lawrence's July 12 dictum by drawing up memorials and
selecting their own delegates to appear before the
Council at Halifax. On Sunday, July 13, the
Acadians of the Annapolis valley, meeting probably at
the church of St.-Jean-Baptiste, "unanimously consented
to deliver up" their "fire arms" to the commander of
Fort Anne, Major John Handfield, who, unlike the other
garrison commanders,
The 30 delegates presented their memorial to the
colonial Council on Friday, July 25, in a meeting
attended by Lawrence, Green, Collier, Cotterell,
Belcher, the two admirals, and also Captain John Rous in
his first meeting as a regular councilor. Like
their fellow Acadians three weeks before, the Annapolis
delegates were forced to stand before the eight British
officials and answer to what they had written to their
governor. They repeated to the Council that they
would take no oath without "a Reserve that they should
not be obliged to Take up Arms, and that if it was the
King's intentions to force them to quit their Lands,
they hoped that they should be allowed a convenient Time
for their Departure." Here were delegates from the
one Acadian community that Lawrence expected to bend to
his will. Instead, "Polite, unafraid, sure of the
righteousness of their position, of the rectitude of
their past conduct, the Annapolis deputies stated their
policy," no doubt expecting the same treatment as their
Minas cousins.
They received
exactly that, and more. They, too, were
interrogated by Lawrence and the other officials, who
noted that, when asked "to mention a single Instance
whereby any Advantage" from their individual or
collective actions "
During
Meanwhile, a second set of delegates from "Pisiquid, Menis and the river Canard" arrived at Halifax to appear before the Council on July 28. With them were two more memorials addressed to the lieutenant governor. The Pigiguit memorial, signed on July 22 by 103 inhabitants, recalled to Lawrence "the oath of fidelity to His Britannic Majesty, with all circumstances and reservation granted us, in the name of the King, by Mr. Richard Philipps, Commander in Chief in the said province, which allegiance we have observed as far as possible, for a number of years, enjoying peaceably our rights according to the terms of our oath in all its tenor and reserve." Now, they continued, they were "resolved, with one consent and voice, to take no other oath." They beseeched the governor "to set at liberty our people who have been detained at Halifax for some time, not even knowing their situation, which appears to us deplorable." The second memorial, signed by 203 inhabitants of Grand-Pré and Rivière Canard, also called to mind the previous "oath of fidelity, which has been approved of several times in the name of the King," as well as by "letters and proclamation of his Excellency Governor Shirley," dated 16 September 1746 and 21 October 1747. These had promised the King's protection if the inhabitants of Nova Scotia "lived faithful and obedient" to their oath, meaning the one submitted to Governor Philipps in 1729. The delegates added, with rhetorical flourish: "... we will never prove so fickle as to take an oath which changes, ever so little, the conditions and the privileges obtained for us by our sovereigns and our fathers in the past." If Lawrence and his colleagues still disdained these Acadians, and all evidence tells us that they did, the next paragraph of the Minas address should have opened their eyes to the political acumen of these simple French farmers: "And as we are well aware that the king, our master, loves and protects only constant, faithful, and free subjects," they lectured their fellow subjects, "and as it is only by virtue of his kindness, and of the fidelity which we have always preserved towards his majesty, that he has granted to us, and that he still continues to grant to us, the entire possession of our property and the free and public exercise of the Roman Catholic religion, we desire to continue, to the utmost of our power, to be faithful and dutiful in the same manner that we were allowed to be by His Excellency Mr. Richard Philipps." (Philipps had been in his grave for three and a half years now, but one wonders what the old soldier would have thought of his name being invoked so reverentially, and so forcefully, by the people who had driven him so often to despair.) They, too, beseeched the governor "to restore to them," their imprisoned cousins, "that liberty which we ask for them, with all possible submission and the most profound respect." These were the "answers" the two delegations from Pigiguit and Minas were ready to submit at the first opportunity.25
That
opportunity would come on Monday the 28th in a meeting
which would seal the fate not only of the delegates from
Annapolis and the Minas Basin, but also of every Acadian
man, woman, and child residing in the settlements from
whence they had come. Sometime over the fateful
weekend between the Friday and Monday meetings, Chief
Justice Belcher, probably on the urging of the
lieutenant governor, penned a memorial of his own.
Presented to the Council before the Acadian delegates
were ushered in to the governor's house, "It was a
mean-minded document, full of historical inaccuracies
and of specious arguments," Naomi Griffiths
contends. It greatest distortion--in truth, an
outright lie--was the accusation that, from 1713 until
the present time, the Acadians had supported the French
outwardly and continuously, at great detriment to the
colony. This implied that British administrators
in Nova Scotia had tolerated such perfidy and so "had
acted contrary to 'the spirit and letter of His
Majesty's Instructions.'" Such a baseless
accusation against Philipps and his lieutenant-governors
was essential to Belcher's indictment against them
for the imposition and toleration of a qualified oath of
allegiance. Having distorted history, the chief
justice then indulged in dubious sociology. The
continued Acadian presence in the colony, he insisted,
"'may retard the Progress of Settlement ... since the
French at Lunenburgh and the Lunenburghers themselves
... are more disposed to the French than to the
English.'" Belcher then indulged in a fine piece
of religious bigotry, revealing his utter ignorance of
the Acadian people. Even if the Acadians agreed to
take a new oath, he contended, "'It is well known, that
they will not be influenced' by it 'after a (papal)
Dispensation'" against an oath to a Protestant
monarch--as if their qualified oath had led them to seek
such a dispensation during the quarter century since
they had taken it. Belcher's final argument for
Acadian removal could have been written by William
Shirley himself. Griffiths continues:
"He concluded by remarking that the presence of
Massachusetts forces in the colony had provided an
opportunity to remove the Acadians which, 'once the
armament is withdrawn,' would be lost. At that
point," Belcher sincerely believed," "the Acadians would
'undoubtedly resume their Perfidy and Treacheries and
with more arts and rancour than before.' Belcher
therefore advised" his official colleagues "that 'all
the French inhabitants'"--he of course meant all of the
Catholic ones--"'may be removed from the Province' from
'the highest necessity which is lex temporis, to
the interests of His Majesty in the Province.'"
"And so,"
Naomi Griffiths contends, "when the Acadians were
called before the Council on 28 July, their fate had
already been decided." Appearing before
Lawrence's
trap was sprung, locked, and secured; the Acadians of
Nova Scotia had reached a turning point in their history
that defines them to this day. "There had been no
attempt made, in any of the Council meetings" held that
July, Naomi Griffiths reminds us, "to persuade the
Acadians that taking the oath would guarantee them the
peaceful possession of their lands." A
The final
paragraphs of the July 28 meeting announced the
completion of Lawrence's handiwork. "As it had
been before determined to send all the French
Inhabitants out of the Province if they refused to Take
the Oaths, nothing now remained to be considered but what measures
should be taken to send them away, and where they should
be sent to." But this, too, already had been
decided: "After mature Consideration, it was
unanimously Agreed That, to prevent as much as possible
their Attempting to return and molest the Settlers that
may be set down on their Lands, it would be most proper
to send them to be distributed amongst the several
Colonies on the Continent, and that a sufficient Number
of Vessels should be hired with all possible Expedition
for that purpose."
.
Morris advised secrecy in
the removal plan, "for once the Acadians knew about them," John Mack
Faragher reminds us, "it would be impossible to prevent them from
fleeing the province and contributing their capacious skills as
sailors and rangers to the French enemy." Morris's report had
been submitted before the fall of the Chignecto forts, but his
advise was still relevant. French forces remained on the St.
John River as well as St. John and Cape Breton islands, and the
French citadel at Louisbourg, though under blockade, still posed a
menace to British interests in the region. The British, Morris
went on, must strike the "Neutral" settlements with stealth and
overwhelming force.
On July 31,
Lawrence
informed Monckton that Captain Alexander Murray,
commanding at Pigiguit, and Major John Handfield, at
Annapolis Royal, "have nearly the same orders in
relation to the interior Inhabitants." Lawrence
was concerned, and rightly so, that the Acadians living
in the interior settlements "will fall upon ways and
means in spite of all our Vigilance to send off their
Cattle to the Island of St. John & Louisbourg ... by the
way of Tat[a]magouche." He intimated that, thanks
to Boscawen's blockade, Louisbourg "is now in a starving
condition," so the French there would be especially
eager to secure Acadian cattle. Lawrence therefore
ordered Monckton, "without loss of time," to send to
Tatamagouche and the interior "a pretty strong
detachment to beat up that quarter and to prevent them"
from succoring Louisbourg. "You cannot want a
guide for conducting the party," Lawrence insisted, "as
there is not a Frenchman at Chignecto but must perfectly
know the road"; however, he offered no suggestion as to
how this Chignecto "Frenchman" could be persuaded to do
harm to his cousins living in those settlements.
Lawrence
turned his attention to French activities in an even
more troubling quarter of the province. "When Beau
Soleil's son arrives," he advised Monckton, "if he
brings you no intelligence which you can trust to, of
what the French design to do or are doing upon the St.
John River, I would have you fall upon some method of
procuring the best intelligence by means of some
inhabitant you dare venture to put confidence in, whom
you may send thither for that purpose." One
wonders which of Joseph
Broussard's sons Lawrence was referring to--was it
Joseph-Grégoire dit Petit Jos, who would have
been age 28 in the summer of 1755, or Victor-Grégoire,
age 27? Timothée-Athanase, called Athanase, the
next in age, would have been only 14 at the
time. No matter, one suspects that none of the
partisan chief's sturdy sons, nor any of his nephews or
other kin, would have given Monckton reliable
information on the activities of the French "upon the
St. John River." After his confrontation with Rous
the month before,
Lawrence also
shared with his senior officer in the field the
logistics of deportation. When Monckton had
captured Beauséjour, he found substantial provisions in
the fort intended not only for the garrison, but also
for the local population. Ironically, those
provisions would be used to help send those Acadians
away. "As to the provisions that were found in the
stores at Beausejour," Lawrence instructed, "The 832
Barrels of Flour must be applied to victual the whole of
the French inhabitants, on their passage to their place
of destination." Lawrence and his staff had
carefully calculated how much provender would be needed
to transport the Acadians to their destinations:
"It is agreed that the inhabitants shall have put on
board with them, one pound of Flour & half a pound of
Bread pr. day for each person, and a pound of beef pr.
week to each, the Bread and Beef will be sent to you by
the Transports from Halifax, the Flour you have already
in store." Lawrence was certain that the captured
French stores would be more than enough for the
Chignecto deportation. "[I]f any remain," he
instructed Monckton, "it will be sent to Lunenburg for
the settlers there."
Orders in
hand, on the morning of August 6, Monckton summoned
Lieutenant-Colonel John Winslow, senior commander of the New
English forces at Chignecto, to his headquarters at Fort
Cumberland; Winslow later wrote in his Journal that this
was "the First Conference of a Publick nature I have had
with the Colo Since the reduction of Beausejour."
Winslow, in fact, had recently complained to his Journal
that "Thus have we Got to the End of July the whole of
which was Spent in an Indolent Maner...." After
Rous's encounter with Boishébert on the lower St. John
in late June, Winslow had beseeched Monckton to allow
his men "to Proceed in Strong Parties Two or Three days
March at a time to reconniter the Countrey and make our
Selves acquainted with its Scituation...." It was
an intelligent suggestion, but Monckton had ignored him.
Their idleness, however, was about to end.
Monckton acquainted Winslow with Lawrence's
instructions, including his decision "to remove all the
French Inhabitants out of the Province"; discussed with
him how they would deal with the Indians in the area,
especially those on the St. John River; and then
Monckton issued instructions of his own. Following
Morris's and Lawrence's recommendations, he informed
Winslow that he had hit upon a stratagem to lure the
Chignecto men and boys into his custody for the purpose
of holding them for deportation. He would "issue a
summons calling all the male inhabitants of Chignecto
and Chipoudy Bay to a meeting at the fort," John Mack
Faragher relates. "When he had them in his grasp,
he would hold them hostage against the eventual
surrender of their wives and children after the
transport vessels arrived. Then they would all be
deported to points south." Monckton directed
Winslow to observe the stratagem closely, after which he would lead a
force of his New Englanders to an as yet undisclosed
location, where he would
employ the same stratagem. Other commanders in the
region, including Captain Murray at Pigiguit and Major
Handfield at Annapolis, would employ similar schemes.
Faragher continues: "Although rumors of the removal
of the Acadians had been running through the British
encampment for weeks," yet Winslow "seemed genuinely
surprised by what Monckton told him." As a veteran
of the fighting in Nova Scotia during King George's War,
Winslow also knew, wherever he would be sent, that "he faced a difficult assignment."
That
afternoon, August 6, Monckton issued, by word of mouth,
a summons for all male inhabitants of the Chignecto
area, 16 years or older, to report to him at Fort
Cumberland on Sunday, August 10, "'to make arrangements
concerning the return of their lands.'" Nothing could
have been more clever in gaining the Acadians'
attention. According to Abbé François La Guerne,
the priest at Aulac who had served earlier at
Beaubassin, the habitants at Chepoudy and other trois-rivières
settlements, including the Broussards,
"reacted with skepticism" and stayed
away. But the Acadians forced from their lands east of the Missaguash five
years before would have been more vulnerable
And so, on
the appointed day, 400 Acadian men, most of them
refugees from the 1750 dispersal, came to the fort to
discuss with Lieutenant-Colonel Monckton
Monckton was
not deterred by the disappointing turn
out. He held the 400 in
the crowded fort overnight, promising to address them
the following day. Meanwhile, he ordered several
companies of Winslow's New Englanders to march to every
hamlet from Aulac to Baie-Verte to bring in more Acadian
men. Unfortunately for Monckton's scheme, the New Englanders
brought back only a hand full of stragglers, so the ones
who had bothered to report to him would have to do for
now. On the 11th, as promised, Monckton assembled
them on the parade ground at the center of the fort, his
redcoats, armed and ready, poised above them, and read
to them Lawrence's proclamation, which Winslow, likely
an eye witness, paraphrased in his Journal: The
governor declared them "rebels" and informed them that
"'Their Lands, Goods and Chattels forfitt to the Crown
and their Bodys to be Imprisoned.'" Monckton then
ordered the gates of the fort closed, and the 400
Acadians were now his prisoners. That same day,
Monckton issued orders through Winslow directing his New
Englanders "to take notice that all oxen, Horses, Cows,
Sheep, and all Cattle whatsoever which were the Property
of the French Inhabitants are become forfitt to his
Majty wherefore no Bargain on any Pretence whatsoever
for the Purchase of sd Cattle will be allowed of.
The officers are Desiered to acquaint the men that they
are not to Strole from their Camp and that no Cattle are
to be Kild or Destroyed as they belong to his Majesty."
Before the day was out, Monckton received reports of
Yankees killing sheep, so he ordered the lot of them,
including their officers, not to venture beyond "the
advance Gaurd without his Perticular Leave."
On the 12th,
as he certainly must have expected, Monckton received a
memorial from the imprisoned Acadians, expressing their
astonishment at the way they were being treated.
Again, these simple farmers displaced an extraordinary
eloquence through the words of the few of them who could
read and write. "They were prepared to accept the
the sentence of the government," historian John Mack
Faragher interprets their lengthy plea. "'Although
born here and settled there for sixty or eighty years,'"
they reminded the commander, "'inhabitants cannot dwell
in a country against the will of the sovereign, to which
as Christians we must submit without argument.'
But what was a Christian to make of their treatment?
They had responded to Monckton's summons in good faith,
but he had imprisoned them all without warning.
They were shocked by such 'universal detention.'
They had brought no food, no blankets, no change of
clothing, and Monckton had made no provision for their
care. They had been crowded into damp quarters,
forced to sleep on boards, were being eaten alive by
vermin, and threatened with disease. Why were they
being subjected to such things? It was an
unendurable hardship, something a true Christian could
not fail to appreciate. They had to think of the
families which it pleased God to grant them.
Terrified, their women and children had fled into the
woods, and would perish for the want of a little milk.
They prayed that Monckton inform their wives and mothers
of their situation, so they would have no cause for
worry. A 'truly Christian and paternal heart (d'un
coeur vrayment Chretien et patneral),' they
concluded, could not refuse their prayer."
Monckton's response was to relieve overcrowding at Fort
Cumberland by sending 150 of them under guard to nearby
Fort Lawrence, where
.
Lawrence
penned those "particular instructions" on August 11, the
same day Monckton shut the gates of Fort Cumberland on
the Chignecto Acadians. In words that, to a large
extent, were necessarily redundant, Lawrence revealed to
his field commanders the details of his plan for
deportation. Striving for tactical and logistical coordination
across a wide swatch of territory,
Lawrence's plan was in many ways naive and
unworkable. "That the inhabitants may not have it in
their power to return to this Province, nor to join in
strengthening the French of Canada or Louisbourg," he
informed his commanders, "it is resolved that they shall be dispers'd among his Majesty's Colonies upon the
Continent of America." Transports and warships
already were on their way from Halifax to ship off the
Acadians at Chignecto. (
Lawrence advised Winslow to consult with Captain Murray at Pigiguit, who was "well acquainted with the people and with the country" in that part of the Minas Basin. "You will use all the means proper and necessary for collecting the people together so as to get them on board," Lawrence instructed each commander. "If you find that fair means will not do with them" (whatever he meant by that) "you must proceed by the most vigorous measures possible, not only in compelling them to embark, but in depriving those who shall escape of all means of shelter or support, by burning their houses and destroying everything that may afford them the means of subsistence in the Country." Winslow was ordered to "send a strong Detachment to Annapolis Royal to assist Major Handfield in shipping off those of that River." On the way to Annapolis, Lawrence directed, Winslow's detachment was to pick up "all the stragglers that may be met with by the way" and carry them on to Annapolis, where they would be "shipped with the rest."
Lawrence then revealed the destinations of the transported Acadians. From Minas and Pigiguit, 500 inhabitants would go to North Carolina, 1,000 to Virginia, and 500 to Maryland. If the number from those settlements exceeded 2,000, the commanders there would ship off the extras "in proportion" to the numbers given for each destination. From the Annapolis valley, 300 inhabitants would go to Philadelphia, 200 to New York, 300 to Connecticut, and 200 to Boston. If the number actually captured there exceeded 1,000 persons, more would be sent to Boston "in proportion" to those shipped "to the Province of Connecticut." Nowhere in Lawrence's orders does he advise his commanders to keep Acadian families together. In fact, the stratagem to be employed for subduing the inhabitants was certain to result in their separation: the men and older boys would be held in confinement while patrols rushed about to cordon off the villages, filled now with only women and children. Lawrence's instructions did not address the safety of these women and children while his soldiers went about the business of torching their villages. The commanders themselves would determine such things. But, as military officers, both regular and provincial, they did not have to be told that the fate of these people was secondary to the completion of their missions.
Once the
inhabitants had been placed aboard the transports,
each commander was to present to the master of each
vessel "one of the Letters (of which you will receive a
number signed by me) which you will address to the
Governor of the Province, or the Commander in Chief for
the time being, where they are to be put on shore, and
endorse therein the printed form of the Certificate to
be granted to the masters of the vessels, to entitle
them to their hire as agreed upon by Charter Party."
This would insure proper compensation to the masters and
their crewmen who would take these people into exile,
but it would not be done until each of the ships had
completed the assigned voyage. Once
each ship reached its destination, each master was "to
wait upon the Governors or Commanders in Chief of the
Provinces to which they are bound, with the said
letters" addressed to each of them by Lawrence's
officers, "and to make all possible dispatch in
debarking these passengers and obtaining Certificates
thereof agreeable to the form aforesaid." Looking
to the bottom line of what would be a very expensive
operation, Lawrence urged each commander to remember
that, since the transports were being "hired by the
month, you will use all possible dispatch to save expence to the publick."
The most
remarkable part of Lawrence's instructions was the
missive entitled "Circular Letter from Governor Lawrence
to the Governors on the Continent," also dated August
11. When Lawrence and his Council had decided to send all
of the Acadians out of Nova Scotia two weeks before,
they had not been granted
the luxury of time to consult with Lawrence's fellow
governors. Except for rumors that might reach them
during the following weeks, British officials down the
coast would not know what was coming until the transports full of "Neutrals" arrived at their
door! Lawrence no doubt expected his lengthy
communication to explain it all to them: "SIR," the circular began,
"The success that has attended his Majesty's arms in
driving the French from the Encroachments they had made
in this province, furnished me with a favorable
opportunity of reducing the French inhabitants of this
Colony to a proper obedience to his Majesty's
Government, or forcing them to quit the country." Lawrence then assumed the role of historian.
"These inhabitants were permitted to remain in quiet
possession of their lands upon condition they should
take the Oath of allegiance to the King within one year
after the Treaty of Utrecht by which this province was
ceded to Great Britain," he related. "[W]ith this
condition they have ever refused to comply," he
contended, "without having at the same time from the
Governor an assurance in writing that they should not be
called upon to bear arms in the defence of the province;
and with this General Philipps did comply," Lawrence
admitted, "of which step his Majesty disapproved and the
inhabitants pretending therefrom to be in a state of
Neutrality between his Majesty and his enemies have
continually furnished the French & Indians with
Intelligence, quarters, provisions and assistance in
annoying the Government; and while one part have abetted
the French Encroachments by their treachery, the other
have countenanced them by open Rebellion." A
It would be
months before Lawrence's fellow governors could read
these words. Meanwhile, on August 13, two days
after Lawrence wrote the circular, Secretary of State
Sir Thomas Robinson, the colonial governors' immediate superior in
London, penned a letter to Lawrence which did not
comport with much of what the Nova Scotia governor had written
to his colleagues. Robinson's letter reveals that
.
By the middle
of August, Lieutenant-Colonel Winslow and his New
Englanders were ready to put the Chignecto isthmus
behind them. They had been there for three long
months, fighting their way into Fort Beauséjour and
accepting the surrender of Fort Gaspereau, which had
been rewarding enough, but then came weeks of forced
idleness until ordered to round up Acadian men and boys
who had ignored Lieutenant-Colonel Monckton's summons to
report to him at Fort Cumberland.
But their
travails with Monckton were not yet behind them.
After a meeting with his young commander on August 14
that only set the proud officers at loggerheads again, Lieutenant-Colonel Winslow ordered his senior captain, Nathan
Adams, to march the four companies from their camp near
Fort Cumberland to the docks on the lower Missaguash,
where their baggage waited. Adams ordered the
drummers to beat cadence while he and his New
Englanders, with regimental colors flying, marched past
the walls of Monckton's fort. Soon Monckton's
aide-de-camp, T. Moncreiffe, appeared "and Peremptorly
Demanded the Colours by the Commanders Orders and
actually took them from Mr. Gray my Ensign," Winslow
related in his Journal. "I apprehend [this] is the First
Time that Ever a British Commandr in Chiefe Took the
Kings Colours from a Marching party that had
always behaved well," Winslow complained. "This Transaction Causd Great
uneassiness to both officers & Soldiers, & raised my
Temper Some." At the docks, Winslow found the
transports still not ready, so he ordered his companies
to camp on higher ground until they could move on to their new posting. But the
touchy New Englishman could not resist a parting shot at
his "Commandr in Chiefe." On the 15th, while
still waiting for the transports,
Winslow fired off a letter to Monckton, chiding him for
ordering the striking of his colors while his men
marched past the walls of Cumberland. He found it
coldly ironic that "the French who
were Conquered Should March with their Colours Flying
and that we who assisted to Conquer them were not
permitted." He ended his missive with what
seemed to be conciliatory words but was likely sarcasm: "If Sir, you have any Commands
[I] shall Gladly receive & Chearfully obey them." Monckton's response, written the same
day, only widened the chasm between himself and the New
Englanders and revealed a penchant on his part for playing the
martinet. He reminded Winslow that, since the other seven
companies of Governor Shirley's regiment, under
Lieutenant-Colonel William Scott, would remain at
Fort Cumberland, the regimental colors should remain
there as well. He reminded Winslow that he was
being allowed to accompany just a portion of his command
to its new post only through the indulgence of
Governor Lawrence and himself. He offered a
lukewarm apology for having offended the proud New
Englander, who soon would be off "Seeing the Country,"
Monckton sneered sarcastically.
Lawrence could not have been unaware of the bad blood flowing between these senior officers. The feud between them had erupted in Boston the previous winter, and the heat of summer seemed only to make it worse. The dispute, in fact, may have been a reason why Lawrence sent Winslow to Minas with only a portion of his regiment--an embarrassing circumstance of which the touchy New Englander certainly was aware.45b
Finally, on
August 16, Winslow and his 313 New Englanders, with two
weeks worth of provisions, sailed down Cumberland Basin
and into the Bay of Fundy, their destination the Minas
Basin. The flotilla--the
sloop of war HMS York under ship's master
Preble, the armed schooner Greyhound under Master
Samuel Hodgkins, and the schooner of war HMS Warren
under Master Abraham Adams--dropped anchor at "a Place
Cald the Jaging (?)" that evening. The following
day, the 17th, they rounded Cape Chignecto, entered the Minas
Channel, sailed past capes d'Or, Split, and Blomidon,
and anchored in Minas Basin at the mouth of Rivière
Pigiguit, before nightfall. They remained there for the night,
and on the morning tide of the 18th ascended the Pigiguit to Fort Edward,
which they reached "at Eleven o'Clock in the
Forenoon." Winslow was impressed with what he saw.
Keeping his men on board, he and several of his officers
were rowed ashore to consult with the fort's commander.
After the requisite greetings and lunch with Captain
Murray and "the Gents the officers," Murray handed Winslow a letter
from Lieutenant-Governor Lawrence that detailed the operations for
the Minas settlements; Winslow and his New Englanders
would not remain at Pigiguit but were going, instead, to Grand-Pré. The letter contained more
detailed suggestions for distracting the area Acadians
on the eve of deportation, detailed what the Acadians
could and could not carry into exile, cautioned Winslow
to prevent his provincials from interacting with the
local inhabitants, warned both commanders to keep the
news of Braddock's defeat from reaching the Acadians,
ordered the immediate arrest of any inhabitant expected
"to be an Haranger or an Intreiguer amongst the People,"
and included an
important addition to Lawrence's original instructions
that affected the timing of the entire operation:
Murray and Winslow, Lawrence insisted, must wait until the Acadians
completed their harvest before
setting into motion their deportation schemes. The
grain would help provision the deportation ships, which
would not arrive in the basin until after the harvest was in.
Winslow and
his officers spent the night with the men aboard their
transports. That evening, Winslow addressed a
letter to Lieutenant-Governor Lawrence in which he reported meeting
with Captain Murray and learning "that it is your
Pleasure that I with the Party be posted at Mines."
He would be going not to Pigiguit but to the most
populous community in the colony, to the breadbasket of
British Nova Scotia. Ironically, Winslow's first
complaint to Lawrence was that his command
had "only Provissions
for Eight Days & for that time nither Butter no
Molasses." He had expected to pick up those
items at Fort Edward, but Murray had not even bread to
spare. Winslow asked for a resupply of rum,
instead of molasses, to avoid the trouble of having to
distill the essential liquor during a campaign that
would require "Mostly Marching" in open
country. He
also informed the governor that, when his men reached
Pigiguit, they had "nither Powder nor ball but what is
in our Cartherage Boxes nor Spare Flints." Murray,
at least, was able to supply them with ammunition--a
barrel and a half of power and 3,000 musket balls--though not with spare flints
or cartridge paper, so
Winslow appealed to Lawrence's "Fatherly
Care for our future Supply, which I hope will Come
Seasonably." He asked for his artillery, still at
Chignecto, as well as all or part of
Joseph Goreham's company of rangers to provide
reconnaissance and security until his men could learn the country.
At sunrise the following the morning,
August 19, the three ships carrying Winslow and his
313 Yankees slipped back down the Pigiguit on the ebbing
tide, rounded the headland at present-day Oak Island, sailed into the mouth of Rivière Gaspereau,
and reached Grand-Pré landing a little before noon.
Many of the area inhabitants must have noticed the armed British vessels making their way slowly up and down the
Pigiguit. Only a few years earlier, during the petit-guerre, it
would not have been unheard of for these vessels and
their occupants to come under musket fire from the riverbanks. But Le Loutre and the Mi'kmaq were gone now, as were many of the local hotheads. Thanks to
Lawrence's diligence back in early June,
Murray and his redcoats had confiscated most, if not
all, of the inhabitants'
weapons. No shots rang out, during the day or
night, to disturb the tranquility of Winslow's
movements.
Also gone
were three of the four priests who had served the
parishes in that part of the colony. Like
every British official before him, Lawrence believed
the Acadians obeyed their priests without question, and
that most, if not every, French clergyman preached nothing but ill
against the British government. Father
Claude-Jean-Baptiste Chauvreulx, a Sulpician,
As Winslow
led his 313 New Englanders ashore, "It must have been
profoundly unsettling for the Acadians to watch, ...
especially in the climate
Winslow posted an order calling on the principal inhabitants to
report to him at "Nine of ye Clock" the following
morning, August 20. All of the Minas
deputies were gone, still languishing in one of the
prison sheds on Georges Island, and the Grand-Pré priest
likely was there as well. Nevertheless, at the appointed
time, several of the community's elders appeared at the
priest's house, at least two of them acquainted with Winslow from
his days at Grand-Pré eight years before. François
Landry of Rivière-des-Habitants west of
Grand-Pré was a man in his 60s. René LeBlanc
was
the septuagenarian notary of Grand-Pré who had spent two
years as Le Loutre's prisoner at trois-rivières a few
years earlier. Both were well-known accommodators who had
served over the years as intermediaries between the
Minas inhabitants and the
provincial government. Winslow told them that he
was there "to take Command of this Place" but that he
was "Scanty of Provisions." It would be necessary,
then, for the inhabitants to provision his
men until his supply ships arrived. The elders
agreed, offering "to Furnish meat Saterday & Continue to
Grant me Supplys til Such time as I was otherways
releved," Winslow noted in his Journal. The elders "expressed concern about the
'sacred things' in the church's sacristy, and Winslow
gave them leave to remove the objects and cover the
altar" in order "to Prevent there being Defiled by
Herriticks," he
The desecration of St.-Charles-des-Mines "by Herriticks" had only just begun.
In a letter
addressed to Governor Shirley on August 22, Winslow
intimated to his powerful benefactor that he expected
"to be Joyned with 200 men more Soon." In the same
letter, he revealed, not for the last time, subtle
misgivings about the nature of his mission "at Mines."
In describing what he had seen recently at Chignecto, he
noted that "The women & Children are Suffered to Lieve
in their Housses and the Inhabitants throh out the
Provinces it is Suposed will Suffer the Same Fate," he
shrugged, "althoh not Equally Guilty of open Violence,
as those of Chignecto and Bay of Verte." He
assured the governor that "the Army in General" enjoyed
"a Good State of Health, and it is Likely Shall Soon
have our Hands full of Disagreable Business to remove
People from their Antient Habitations, which, in this
part of the Countrey," he assured the governor, "are
Verry Valuable."
Ever mindful
of the devastating surprise attack at Grand-Pré eight
years before, Winslow kept his men busy manning a strong
line of pickets around his encampment, while others
unloaded what supplies were left aboard the three ships
still at anchor in the Gaspereau and stow them inside
the church under lock and key. Judging from what
Winslow saw and heard, the locals still had no inkling
of what was about to befall them. Winslow told
them that he
and his men would remain among them at least through the winter.
But security from local hotheads was only one of
Winslow's worries. There was also the matter of
subsistence for his men. Although the elders had
agreed to provide him whatever he needed, he naturally
preferred a more regular source of supply not dependent
on the whims of the local inhabitants. Much to his
relief, soon after his arrival he received a letter from
Captain Murray relaying more "Directions" from
Lieutenant-Governor
Lawrence that may have eased his mind, if not his
conscience. Murray related that Lawrence would be
sending Winslow "a months Provissions" but,
On the
evening of August 22,
Winslow's "Months Provissions for 400 men" reached
Grand-Pré from Halifax aboard the 96-ton sloop
Endeavor, under Captain James Nichols. The
following day, Winslow's men unloaded the vessel and
stored these supplies in the church as well. Winslow
now was able to send two of the vessels on which he had
come,
the Greyhound and HMS York, back to
Chignecto and sent the HMS Warren to Annapolis
Royal. Meanwhile, his men
erected obstacles in front of their picket lines,
prepared a small dwelling within their lines to house their captains,
and cobbled together a guard house from material they
could find. I "Shall put his Majesty to No Exspence in the whole," Winslow quipped in a letter to
Murray on the 24th, but he did ask to borrow a thousand
nails and a proper lock for his storeroom inside the
church. He had another use in mind for that sturdy
edifice, but not until the Acadians completed their
harvest. He informed Murray that Grand-Pré elder
Jacques Thériot had reassured him his fellow
Acadians at Grand-Pré and Rivière-aux-Canards "readily
Comply with the Governours Deman of Cattle and that they
Should be of the Best," that they were in fact in the
woods collecting the beeves that very day. Winslow
also asked Murray to send him "one mans Provissions for
a weak of Each Specia" so that he could issue rations
according to regulation. Murray promptly hurried a
thousand "ten penny nails" to Grand-Pré and promised to
pay his "Complements" to Winslow as soon as he could get
away.
In late
August, Winslow received two letters that could not have
pleased him. The first, from Lieutenant-Governor Lawrence,
though written in conciliatory language, denied him,
without explanation, the reinforcements from Chignecto
he had hoped to receive by then. Lawrence assured
him that the force he had brought to Minas was "Intirely
Sufficient for the Service you are Going Upon."
Nor could Lawrence spare him any rangers "at Present"
but assured him that Captain Murray at Fort Edward "has
People Enough who Know the Country and Can Conduct Any
Party's you may have Occasion to Send Out."
Perhaps included in the same packet with Lawrence's
missive was a letter addressed to Winslow from Joseph Goreham, also dated
August 26. The ranger captain offered to
exchange some of his men for "the Indians that Are
Scattered in your Corps," evidently the only way that
Winslow would be able to acquire men with rangering
skills. Lawrence agreed to meet with him at Halifax once his
duties at Minas were completed, "when wee Shall Settle
all Matters Both with Regard to the Greavances you hint
at, and the Business of the Intended Settlers."
Convinced that Winslow and his New Englanders "have no
Attack to Fear from the Enemy," he urged Winslow,
On Friday,
August 29, Captain Murray descended to Grand-Pré
During the
next two days, the first of the deportation transports
arrived from Boston--three sloops on the evening of Saturday the 30th,
and a schooner on Sunday the 31st. The vessels
included the 83-ton sloop Endeavor, master John
Stone (not to be confused with the 96-ton Endeavor
under James Nichols, which had arrived from Halifax the
week before and likely had already departed Minas); the
86-ton sloop Industry, master George Goodwin
(also called Gooding); and the 90 1/2-ton sloop Mary,
also styled a schooner, master Andrew Dunning.
Each ship's captain presented their orders--Stone's and
Goodwin's dated August 21 and Dunning's dated August
22--each properly endorsed by the ships'
Although Lawrence's
"agent Victualler," George Saul, had not reached
Minas by September 1, the governor's plan nevertheless
was progressing nicely; another, even more formidable
trap, was about to be sprung on these Acadians.
Soon some of them were clamoring aboard the merchant
vessels, curious about their purpose. As John Mack
Faragher relates, Winslow had already given "The ships'
masters ... instructions to say 'they were come to
attend' to needs of the New Englanders. "It was
part of the campaign of lies intended to keep the
Acadians in the dark," Faragher adds, though the whole
business "must have struck the inhabitants as
suspicious." The vessels lay high in the water, so
they obviously carried no more supplies for Winslow and
his Yankees, nor were the ships' captains eager to strike bargains with the
local inhabitants; Boston merchants were never evasive
about the wares they offered to trade. Some of the
locals had observed the unloading of the other
Endeavor with its cargo of provisions
More
transports were coming, of that they were certain, and
the harvest was almost complete, so it was time to
secure the Acadians for deportation. Early in the
morning of Tuesday, September 2, as Captain Adams and his company began
their march to Rivière-aux-Canards, Winslow, heading in
the opposite direction, "took a whaleboat to Fort Edward
for a final planning session with Murray." Captain
Murray had been busy. He showed Winslow a copy of
the summons they would issue for the "meetings" of Friday the 5th,
which they agreed would be held at the church in Grand-Pré
and at Fort Edward at the same time in the middle of the
afternoon so that inhabitants in one community could not
alert their cousins in the other. With Winslow's approval,
Murray employed Pigiguit merchant Isaac Deschamps, a
Huguenot, to translate the finished text into French.
Wasting no time, "at Eleven a Clock in the Forenoon," Winslow hurried back
down to Grand-Pré and
employed a local collaborator, Alexandre de Rodohan, "a
Flemish surgeon married to an Acadian woman, to read the
summons publicly throughout the countryside" on that and
the following days.
In English, Winslow's September 2 summons read: "To the Inhabitants of the District of Grand Pre, Mines River, Cannard, &c. as well ancient as young Men & Lades. Whereas his Excellency the Governour has Instructed us of his Last resolution Respecting the maters Proposed Lately to the Inhabitants and as ordered us to Communicate the same to the Inhabitants in General in Person his Excellency be desierous that each of them Should be fully Satisfyed of his Majesty's Intentions which he has also ordered us to Communicate to you Such as they have Given him. I therefore order and Strictly Injoyne by these Pressence to all the Inhabitants as well of the above named Districts as of all the other Districts, both old men & young men as well as all the Lads of ten years of age to attend at the Church at Grand Pre on Fryday the 5th Instant at Three of the Clock in the afternoon that We May Impart to them what we are ordered to Communicate to them: Declaring that no Excuse will be admitted of on any Pretense whatsoever on Pain of Forfitting Goods and Chattels on Default. Given at Grand Pre the Second of September in the 29th year of his Majesty's reign A.D. 1755." Murray's summons, but for the names of the affected districts, was worded exactly the same.58a
Winslow, meanwhile, kept his men in camp, cleaning and repairing their weapons, while he polished the proclamation he would read to the Acadians during the appointed meeting in the Grand-Pré church. Three days before, on the 31st, as per Lawrence's instructions, he had sent Lieutenant Crooker in a whaleboat to Chignecto to retrieve more ammunition and molasses and to deliver dispatches to Lieutenant-Colonel Monckton. On Tuesday the 2nd, while returning to Grand-Pré, Crooker boarded a transport lying in the Gaspereau that had arrived the previous day. Here was the 90-ton schooner Neptune, master Jonathan Davis, with orders from Apthorp & Hancock dated August 22. Five deportation transports now waited in the Gaspereau. On Wednesday the 3rd, Captain Adams returned from his overnight sojourn to Rivière-aux-Canards "and reported it was a Fine Country and Full of Inhabitants, a Butifull Church & abundance of ye Goods of the world. Provisions of all Kinds in great Plenty"--likely the same things Winslow had found at Grand-Pré earlier in the week. Later that day, Winslow ordered Captain Hobbs with a junior officer, two sergeants, two corporals, and 50 men "to Visset the Village Melanson on the River Gaspereau," south of Grand-Pré. Captain Osgood "with the Like Number of officers and men" was sent to reconnoiter "the Country in the Front or to the Southward of our Incampment." Both parties returned that evening "and Gave Each accounts that it was a Fine Countrey."
That evening,
the first scare occurred in Winslow's encampment.
Around 9 o'clock, well after dark, two shots rang out at
the west end of the picket line. Winslow ordered
an immediate roll call to determine who was missing and
inquired as to the nature of the disturbance. It
was soon ascertained that, when someone had approached
the sentries at that end of the camp, the New Englanders
"Three Times haled & he not answering they Both Fired at
him." The nighttime wandere proved to be
"[T]he
announcement of the meeting had created a great deal of
concern" among all of the inhabitants," John Mack
Faragher relates. "An assembly of all men of the
community, including boys, was highly unusual."
And then yet another "apparently empty sloop had arrived
at the landing. Might the British actually be
implementing the removal they had threatened for so many
years? A group of inhabitants, fearing impending
arrest, took their concerns directly to Winslow's
captains. 'We had the greatest assurance given
us,' they later wrote, 'that there was no other design
but to make us renew our former oath of fidelity.'"
Still, as
Faragher relates, "An unknown number of families fled in
the days preceding the meeting." They included
Augustin LeBlanc, 31-year-old cousin of the
accommodator, René LeBlanc, the aging notary.
After hearing Winslow's summons, Augustin hurried home
and cried until his face was wet with tears. He
then resolved to do more than cry. Carrying what
they could, he and his wife, Françoise Hébert, "took
to the woods with their two young sons," Jean, age 2,
and Augustin, fils, an infant. "But the
families most inclined to leave had already done so,"
Faragher notes. "Most of the Acadians who
remained in September 1755 found the prospect of
abandoning their homes and homeland almost unthinkable."
Many of the families in the region were in their fourth
and fifth generations--Augustin,
E
"Gentlemen," the proclamation began," I have Received
from his Excellency, Governor Lawrence, The King's
Commission which I have in my hand and by whose orders
you are Convened together to Manifest to you His
Majesty's final resolution to the French Inhabitants of
this his Province of Nova Scotia, who for almost half a
Century have had more Indulgence Granted them, than any
of his Subjects in any part of his Dominions."
Those who were amused by the final clause of this
rambling sentence were wise enough to keep their
feelings to themselves. Nor could they have known
that the genesis of this proclamation lay not with their King
in London but rather with Lawrence and his Council in
Halifax, who were acting in violation of royal intent--something
And then Winslow "Declared them the King's Prisoners."
Again, John Mack Faragher says it best: "These words, translated into French, came as a profound shock to the assembled men and boys. Winslow recorded only that they were 'greatly struck.' There is no other evidence of their reaction, no Acadian recollections, no family stories transcribed by genealogists or antiquarians. It is as if they had been struck dumb, and that may be close to the truth. It was impossible for most of them to accept what they heard. Years later, old Acadians who suffered through the expulsion told Reverend Brown of Halifax that 'to the last hour of their confinement, they refused to believe that the government would dare to execute their threatened purpose.'" Yet there they remained, their beloved church now "their prison while they awaited the arrival of sufficient transports for their deportation."64
After the
doors of St.-Charles-des-Mines were locked shut, Winslow
and his officers returned to their other duties.
Mindful of the nature of soldiers and sailors, as well
as vengeful inhabitants, Winslow issued the following
dictum: "All officers and Soldiers and Sea Men
Employed in his Majesty's Service as well as his
Subjects of what Denomination Soever, are hereby
Notifyed That all Cattle vizt. Horsses, Horne Cattle,
Sheep, goats, Hoggs and Poultrey of Every Kinde, that
was this Day Soposed to be Vested in the French
Inhabitants of this Province are become Forfitted to his
Majesty whose Property they now are and Every Person of
what Denomination Soever is to take Care not to Hurt
Kill or Destroy anything of any Kinde nor to Rob
Orchards or Gardens or to make waste of anything Dead or
alive in these Districts without Special order."
He ordered his proclamation to be published not only in
the camps, but also in all of the villages under his
jurisdiction.
Winslow could
not have been surprised by the Acadian response to their
incarceration. Three weeks earlier, while Winslow
was still there, it had taken 24 hours for the 400
Acadians at Chignecto to petition Lieutenant-Colonel
Monckton; at Grand-Pré, a response came probably soon
after Winslow had returned to his quarters. The
elders locked inside the church, including François
Landry and René LeBlanc, chose a delegation
to meet with Winslow in person. Probably expecting
the request, he agreed to it. They expressed to
him their "Great Greif ... that they had incurd his
Majty's Displeasure." (One wonders what their
reaction would have been had they been aware of the
true nature of the King's feelings towards them, men
he had called his "useful Subjects.") What worried
them most, of course, was the effect of their
incarceration on their wives and children. They
begged the lieutenant colonel to allow them to return to
their homes so that they could calm the fears of their
families. Some of them, they informed him, had
agreed to "be returned as Hostages for the appearance of
the rest," who they would try to bring in to report to
the commander. "Winslow got the impression,"
Faragher tells us, "that none of them believed they
would actually be removed." A hostage scheme as
they proposed, Winslow understood, would be unworkable
in the grand scheme of things--his orders, not to
mention the success of the deportation plan, called for
the enforced detention of the men and boys until
it was time to reunite them with their women and
children as they boarded the deportation transports.
He intended for them--the men, women, and
children--to feel anxious, vulnerable, continually
confused. Nevertheless, he reassured the elders
that their women and children would be protected.
He promised to "Consider of their Motion" and then
dismissed them to return to their impromptu "prison."
As soon as they had gone, he convened a council of his
officers and reviewed what the Acadian elders had
proposed. His officers agreed that a modification
of the hostage scheme could be helpful: 10 of the
men from Grand-Pré and 10 from aux-Canards and Habitants
would be allowed to visit the families in their villages
that evening and then return with "an Exact Account of
their absent Bretheren & their Circumstances on the
Morrow." Moreover, during their visit, the 20
representatives would inform all of the women in their
communities that they would be "responsible for feeding
and clothing the prisoners, just as they were
provisioning the troops." This would encourage the
women to look after the "King's" animals as well as
"his" recently-harvested crops until the New Englanders
could secure them.
Winslow
issued orders to double the camp guards and to march
12-man patrols accompanied by a sergeant around the
church continuously. A courier soon arrived from
Fort Edward: "I have Succeeded Finely," Captain
Murray chortled in his dispatch, "and have Got 183 Men
into my Possession. I Belive there are but Very
feu Left Excepting ye Sick I am hopefull you have had
Equal Good Luck." He asked for transports to be
sent to him as soon as possible "for you Know our Forte
is but smal," he reminded Winslow, so the vessels could
serve as floating prisons. He also asked for
another officer and 30 more men "as I Shall be Obliged
to Send to Some Distant Rivers where they are not all
Come yet." Murray added that "I have Sent Pierre
Leblanc's Son to you to Go with his Father as you
have Taken him under your Protection"--an
interesting way of putting it. Murray had
originally estimated that he would require at least 360
"tun Shipping" to send the Pigiguit Acadians into
oblivion, but after consulting with Captain Davis of the
Neptune, which evidently had been sent to him, "I
belive 400 Tuns will be Better."
Winslow
answered Murray promptly: "I have the Favor of
yours of this Day," he wrote, "and Rejoyce at your
Success and also for the Smiles that has attended ye
Party hear. The Number of Men I have now in
Custody I Cant think Falls Much Shorte of 500 Men."
He mentioned the scheme of the 20 representatives and
intimated that he had attempted to "take the List" of
the men and boys he had lured into the church, "but
Night put me off." But something else was putting
him off. Murray was not the only one in need of
reinforcements. Since Sunday the 31st, Captain
Handfield at Annapolis had been beseeching him for more
men as well. But here he was, with 400, perhaps a
many as 500, men and boys in a simple church, twice the number of prisoners
to guard as the size of his entire
command. Not nearly enough transports had arrived
to take these prisoners and their families away, nor had
his whaleboat returned, again, from Chignecto with more
ammunition and supplies for his men. And where was
Mr. Saul and the victuals for the deportation
transports? Winslow
had no idea how many more men in the Minas area had yet
to be rounded up. Even if, upon their return in
the morning, the 20 representatives released to their
villages gave him an accurate
count of who was missing, he would have to "Send partys to the remotest
parts of these Districts" to bring them in, willingly or
otherwise, and this would weaken the size of his guard at the church
even further. "Things are Now Very heavy on my harte and hands," he intimated to Murray in his rambling
reply. Before sealing the letter and handing it
to Murray's courier, he admitted that "the out Commands
if not willing to Submit Must be Let alone till a
Further Day." This included the hamlets at
Cobeguit, at the northwestern end of the basin.
But the
lieutenant-colonel's day was not yet over. He
issued orders allowing the prisoners "to repair to their
Quarters in the church att Tattoo, and in the Day time
not to Exstend their walks to the Eastward of the
Commandants Quarters without leave from the officer of
the Guard." While the Acadians were taking their
exercise, he added, "one half of the Guard Take Shelter
under my Markee." Learning that the prisoners had
not yet received their dinner and were begging "for
Bread," he ordered rations to be distributed to them but
reminded them "that for the Future they be Supplyd from
their respective Familys." This would mean, of
course, a constant coming and going of women and
children, but the disturbance could not be helped--there
was not enough food in his stores of supply to feed both
the prisoners and the men of his command. "Thus
Ended the Memerable fifth of September," he confided to
his Journal, "a Day of Great Fatigue & Troble."
The men and boys sleeping in the church that night certainly would have agreed.
.
The round up
of the Acadians in the Annapolis valley was not going
The trouble
started at the end of August, before Major John
Handfield and his hundred or so redcoats at Fort Anne
could round up the valley's men and boys. A
transport from Boston, sitting high in the water,
slipped through the Gut and into the lower Annapolis
basin and anchored near the walls of Fort Anne.
Evidently Acadians in the banlieu had become
aware of the Chignecto roundup during the second week of
August and the arrival of a large force of Yankees at
Minas the following week. Meanwhile, over a dozen
lightly-laden merchant vessels had sailed up the bay
towards Chignecto and Minas, and the Acadians at
Annapolis had made note of it. And here was a
transport of similar description making its way past
Goat Island.
The Acadians
at Annapolis panicked. According to John Mack
Faragher, "all of the men of the banlieu fled,
leaving their wives and children to bring in the
harvest." The panic spread upriver. Major
Handfield, evidently taken by surprise, reacted as
swiftly as he could. He sent a party of men to the
haute rivière "to bring in About 100 of the Heads
of Families and young Men," but his redcoats, under
Ensign Middleton, "Found the Villages up the River
Destitute of all the Male heads of Families who are
retiered into the woods having Taken their beding &c
with them." On August 31, Handfield hurried a
dispatch to Winslow at Minas, asking him to "Send me
reinforcement of Men So Soon as you Can Posably Spare
them that May Enable me to Bring them to reason."
Winslow's instructions from Lawrence had ordered him to
A
Evidently
Handfield's family connections with the Acadians of the
valley redounded in his favor. He deceived them unashamedly and got away with it. On
September 4, Handfield sent a letter to Winslow by his
son, Lieutenant John Handfield, Jr., with the notation
that the young Handfield would share with Winslow the
details of his father's success. Somehow the
redcoat major lured "The whole of the French Inhabitants
on the River of Annapolis Royal [to] return to their Duty
and Houses and Promised to Submit to the Kings Orders,"
as Winslow put it--an amazing feat. John
Mack Faragher admits that how Handfield "accomplished
this is not known. Lawrence had ordered that in
the face of the slightest resistance the commanders were
to proceed against the Acadians by 'the most vigorous
measures possible... burning their houses and destroying
everything" if necessary. Monckton was employing
those very tactics in attempting to subdue the
inhabitants of the trois-rivières. Winslow
and Murray were prepared to wield the torch as well,
but, so far, such measures were unnecessary at Minas and
Pigiguit. "Handfield at Annapolis," Faragher
explains, "seems to have used milder forms of
persuasion. Inhabitants who fled Annapolis and
eventually found their way to refugee camps on the North
Shore reported that Handfield assured the inhabitants
their removal was to be temporary and that they would be
allowed to return to their farms at the conclusion of
the war. In exchange for their promise to
surrender voluntarily when the vessels arrived, he
offered others the choice of being transported to
'whichever of the colonies they pleased.'" Nothing
in Lawrence's instructions had promised any such thing,
but that may be the point: Handfield may have been
thinking about what the governor's instructions did
say to him when he lied so boldly to his neighbors and
kin. In a letter of reply dated September 7,
Winslow thanked Handfield for the intelligence he had
received via the major's son and apologized for not
having been able to send reinforcements to Annapolis
during Handfield's moment of tribulation. "Have
but 287 Privates with me & 423 French men in camp,"
Winslow explained, and then he insured the major that
"My Best Compliments waits your Lady, Family & Frinds."
.
Lieutenant-Colonel Monckton's August 10 roundup of the Chignecto men and boys was a qualified success, and other triumphs soon followed. Monckton kept his Yankees busy not only bringing in more men and boys from the surrounding settlements, but also rounding up the women and children and "torching the hamlets of Au Lac, Tantramar, and Baie-Verte, north of Fort Cumberland." Lawrence had authorized such methods to drive reluctant habitants into the arms of the British forces, so this redcoat commander, unlike his connected colleague in the Annapolis valley, felt no compunction in employing what one historian calls "a campaign of terror." Despite strict orders against it, Monckton's Yankees plundered Acadian homes before torching them, killed and ate "the King's" livestock, and treated the inhabitants with great brutality before escorting them to concentration areas set up near the walls of forts Cumberland and Lawrence. An example of New English depredation in the area is related by historian John Mack Faragher: "At the village of Minudie[sic], located at the water's end on Beaubassin channel" of today's Cumberland Basin, "a company of New Englanders surrounded the houses of sleeping Acadians in the hours before dawn. Roused at first light by a volley of musket fire, the inhabitants rushed from their homes. Finding their escape by land cut off, many plunged into the channel and attempted to swim against the surging tide to the other shore, two miles away. The troops made targets of the struggling people. 'See how I made his forked end turn up!' one Yankee shouted to another. The brutality at Minudie," Faragher reminds us, "was intended as a lesson to other refugees."80
Moncton's campaign of terror was not confined to the Chignecto area. To close off an avenue of escape from the Chignecto isthmus, as well as from the interior of the peninsula, Monckton sent a force of 100 New Englanders under Captain Abijah Willard to round up the Acadians at Tatamagouche, on the Mer Rouge shore east of Baie-Verte. The New Englanders traveled not by water but by land, traversing rugged uplands and tide-churned marshes to get to the coastal village. When Willard and his exhausted Yankees finally reached the port, the unsuspecting inhabitants welcomed them, but their greeting was instantly rebuffed. "Willard ordered the dozen male heads of household herded together while his troops searched their homes for weapons," John Mack Faragher relates. "After confiscating a few muskets, Willard announced his mission: The men were to be conducted to Fort Cumberland to await deportation from the province, and their village was to be destroyed." The Acadians were understandably shocked. An elder stepped forward and demanded to know what they had done to deserve such treatment. They reminded the captain of the oath they taken under Governor Philipps a quarter of a century before, which prevented them from taking up arms against anyone, especially the British. They had never violated their oath, the elder insisted. "His fellow Acadians shouted their agreement," Faragher goes on, "but Willard cut them off. It is too late for that, he told them. By order of the government they were declared rebels." The elder asked if they might take their families to Île St.-Jean to live among their relations there. "That he could not permit, Willard replied." He was there, he could have told him, to prevent that very thing! He informed them that "his orders instructed him to arrest the men only, and he would allow them to choose whether the women and children should accompany them to Fort Cumberland or remain behind." Recalling the difficulty of the march getting there, Willard would have much preferred to return without added encumbrance. "After deliberating," Faragher tells us," the Acadians decided the men would go alone." Here was another instance of the Acadians' inability even to imagine the possibility of forced deportation. By allowing their women and children to remain, they certainly believed that their incarceration would be a temporary inconvenience. "On Willard's order the village was torched and the men marched off, leaving the women and children 'to take care of themselves.' There was 'great lamentation,'" Willard recorded. "'I confess,'" he mused later, "'it seemed to be sumthing shocking.'"77
Despite
success along the Missaguash and at Tatamagouche,
Monckton's round up of the Chignecto Acadians began to
unravel. A few weeks into the operation, he
complained to Lieutenant-Colonel Winslow at Minas that
the operation
west of the Missaguash was progressing slower than
expected,
Monckton had
good reason to be wary of Broussard and the
trois-rivières partisans; he had recognized precious
few of them among the 400 men and boys who fell into his
trap at Fort Cumberland. His biggest concern,
however, was a Canadian officer only a year younger than
himself whose
combat, if not his command, experience was nearly as
impressive as his own. Driven upriver by Rous's
attack on the lower St.-Jean not long after the fall of
Beauséjour, Lieutenant Charles des Champs de Boishébert
organized his troupes de la marine and the local
Acadians for the continuation of an offensive that did
not come. Rous's failure to pursue Boishébert up
to the Acadian settlements left the
Canadian with a tactical force still intact. Most
troubling for Monckton and his redcoats, Boishébert
still possessed operational
Nevertheless,
Boishébert's strategic options were severely
constricted. The closest French force to him, at
Port-La-Joye on Île St.-Jean, likely was
insubstantial. The British blockade of Louisbourg
precluded reinforcements from that quarter; he need only
recall the fate of the French schooner Marguerite,
sent to him from Louisbourg "laden with provisions,
guns, and other military stores," at the hands of
Boscawen's warships back in April. Reinforcements
from Québec via the St.-Jean portage were not
forthcoming. The previous governor-general, Ange Duquesne de Menneville, had been instructed
by the Minister of Marine to "do nothing in Acadia and
around Lake Champlain," so he had concentrated his efforts
in the Ohio valley and along the southwest Canadian
frontier. Before his efforts could come to
fruition, however, Duquesne was recalled to France.
When Beauséjour fell, the ousted governor-general blamed the mishap on
Abbé Le Loutre, who Duquesne and his predecessors had
relied upon to win back Acadia for France.
Duquesne's successor,
Boishébert's first
goal was to prevent the deportation of the Acadians, or
at least limit the number of them being taken away.
There was little or nothing he could do for the Acadians
along the Missaguash--their hamlets lay too close to the
captured Beauséjour and its garrison of British and New
English troops. But he could save the Acadians of
the trois-rivières from further depredation.
Responding to an appeal from the Acadians at Chepoudy,
Boishébert left a token force on Rivière St.-Jean and
hurried via Rivière Kennebecasis and the upper
Petitcoudiac to Chepoudy, but he arrived too late to
save the villages there. On August 28, a force of
nearly 200 New
Englanders
Their
opportunity came
On the way
back to Chignecto, Major Frye and his
officers tallied their losses. Their numbers,
taken from unit rolls, would have been accurate enough,
but, having abandoned the battlefield in such haste, the
nature of their casualities was more difficult to determine.
The total reported was 44. Confirmed
dead were Surgeon March, whose body likely remained on
the field; and Private William Hutson of Captain
Willard's Company, who perhaps had helped molest the
Acadians at Tatamagouche a few weeks earlier.
Lieutenant Billings was, according to his captain, shot
through the body and through the arm and likely remained
on the field; one wonders if his wounds were mortal. Six other New Englanders
were confirmed wounded; they evidently had not remained
on the field. Some historians insist that ranger
Captain John Gorham was one of the wounded. Most
troubling of all, 22 of Frye's men were reported missing--either
hit by enemy fire during the retreat to the dykes
and left where they fell, or rounded up as prisoners of
war by Boishébert's
men.
Boishébert reported only three of his men
wounded, so his victory was complete.
Boishébert's
attack on
the Petitcoudiac was more than a tactical victory; it
also affected the region's strategic posture, both French and
British.
"The stinging defeat on the Petitcodiac, wrote abbé
Le Guerne," the priest at Chignecto, "'made the English
tremble more than all the cannons of Beauséjour.'"
After the fight on the Petitcoudiac, Major Frye, whose
orders likely called for the destruction of Memramcook,
took stock of his ammunition, his supplies, and the
condition of his men and hurried back to the safety of
Fort Beauséjour. On September 5, soon after Frye's
return, Lieutenant-Colonel Monckton called in his
patrols and prepared for an attack that did not come.
Not until mid-November, a month after the deportation
ships departed Chignecto, would Monckton send another
large force to the trois-rivières.
Meanwhile, on September 7, the news of Frye's defeat
reached Winslow at Minas and threw him and his New
Englanders into
a momentary panic.
Despite the
setback on the Petitcoudiac, Monckton's operation was progressing as planned.
By August 24,
Major Jedediah Preble of the Massachusetts regiment,
still stationed at Chignecto, could inform his superior, Lieutenant-Colonel Winslow
at Minas: "Capt Proby & Eight Transportes arived Last
wednesday 20th, Capt Taggett[sic] arived this Morng and a
Sloop from New yorke with Provissions for the Troops."
The major was referring to Captain Charles Proby,
commander of the HMS Syren, a 30-ton sloop of
war, and Captain John Taggart commander of
the HMS Halifax, an armed snow. The eight
transports at Chignecto likely included the schooner Jolly Phillip, master Jonathan Waite;
the ship Prince Frederick, master William
Trattles; the schooner Boscawen, master
David Bigham; the ship Union, master
Jonathan Carthorne; the sloop Dolphin,
master William Hancock; the ship Edward
Cornwallis, master Andrew Sinclair; the sloop
Endeavor, master James Nichols; and the brig Two Brothers, master James Best--most, if
not all, of them, hired from the Boston firm of Apthorp and
Hancock. Here were enough vessels for giving
Monckton "the means to deport upward of three thousand
persons" to the most distant British Atlantic colonies.
On September 10, Monckton relieved the overcrowding at
Fort Cumberland by moving 50 of the Acadian prisoners to
one of the transports--"the first embarkations for the
deportation," one historian describes it.
Lawrence, by then, was complaining about the delays in
embarkation. Even at Chignecto, a full month after
securing the men, the rounding up of the wives,
children, and old folks and the concentration of
families outside the walls of his forts was
frustratingly incomplete. Lawrence scoffed at such
sentimentality and ordered Monckton to hurry the plan
along, suggesting that he "go ahead with the deportation
of the men already in his custody. 'I would have
you not wait for the wives and children coming in, but
ship off the men without them,'" he urged. But not
even the ambitious young British professional was
that cold-hearted. On September 11, Monckton
sent to the transports 160 of the married men from Fort Cumberland
whose families evidently had fled the region, but he
would go no farther than that. More
men followed on September 13, and now most of them were
being held aboard the transports.
With Frye's
defeat still fresh on his mind, but largely unburdened by
sentimentality,
Monckton resumed his campaign of terror, which, he
believed, was the
only way to complete the chaotic roundup. On
The New Englanders did not encounter Boishébert and his troupes de la marine during their three-day operation, but they likely were dogged by Acadian partisans, who were organizing an insurgency from the trois-rivières. Canadian historian Dianne Marshall paints a romanticized picture of the burgeoning resistance: "In the weeks that followed [the fight on the Petitcoudiac] they [the Broussards] banded together with their Native allies to defend Acadians across the region and to send a clear message to both Frye and Monckton that their assaults on innocents would not be tolerated. The Surrettes from Missaguash Creek and hundreds of their followers were quick to join in the anti-British offensive being organized out of Village-des-Beausoleils. Soon hundreds of resistance fighters were spreading out over the region, attacking and killing as many English soldiers as possible, sometimes to help their prisoners to escape, at other times just because they could. From the cover of trees along the riverbank, small boats launched bloody assaults on passing English boats. Others watched over the gates of the forts, waiting for soldiers and rangers to step outside and into their clutches."85a
Monckton's response was predictable: he sent out the rangers. Marshall's narrative continues: "The countless clashes that followed resulted in many deaths and serious injuries on both sides, but in the end dozens of resistance fighters were caught by the rangers and tossed into the prison at Fort Cumberland--among them" Joseph and Alexandre Broussard dit Beausoleil, ages 53 and 56, respectively, and at least one of Joseph's older, married sons, Victor-Grégoire, age 27--a major coup for Monckton and his officers. To relieve overcrowding at Fort Cumberland and to keep the dangerous brothers apart, Joseph and other insurgents were transferred under heavy guard to the dungeon at Fort Lawrence. Victor remained with uncle Alexandre at Fort Cumberland.86
.
A few days after the September 5 roundup at Grand-Pré and Fort Edward, the transport Leopard, an 87-ton schooner, master Thomas Church, arrived at Minas with orders from Apthorp and Hancock dated August 28. Seven transports now rode at anchor in the lower Gaspereau. On September 7, Winslow received a welcome dispatch from Monckton, addressed to him from Chignecto on September 2. The redcoat commander promised to send to him via the HMS Warren a reinforcement from the four companies of his Massachusetts battalion. Monckton also would send powder, ball, cartridge papers, flints, and molasses. He had no other provisions to spare, but he promised to alert Lieutenant-Governor Lawrence of the supply needs for Minas. In a moment of candor, Monckton complained of the slowness of the roundup at Chignecto, "it being Very Difficult to Collect the women and children." He passed on the news from Lieutenant-Governor Phipps that the discharged men from the Massachusetts regiment had reached Boston safely, but he had no news from Governor Shirley or "Mr. Johnston," still maneuvering against the French in upper New York.74a
Monckton's dispatch also
contained an alarming note. In the margin of his letter,
written on September 4 after the news had just been received,
Monckton noted that Major Joseph Frye, with a force
of New Englanders, during an operation against the Acadians in the trois-rivières
area, was attacked on the Petitcoudiac by an
overwhelming French force. Surgeon-Lieutenant
March of the second battalion had killed in the skirmish, Ensign Billings
of Winslow's battalion grievously if not mortally wounded, "and
about 22 Men kild & Missing"
No partisan attack struck
Winslow's picket lines, but he nonetheless maintained tight security
around Grand-Pré church. His ad hoc response to the Grand-Pré
elders had created a workable routine that allowed him to sustain his
hundreds of captives within the church without undue expense to His Majesty's service.
He now "Permitted the Millers to attend their usual Duty and 10 of the
river Cannard &c & Ten of Grand Pre at a Time to Provide for the
rest." He also employed his some of his troops--50 men
over four days, with the promise of compensation of course--to help
the Acadian women and children bring in the harvest, as well as
their cattle, now that the men and older boys were being held in
confinement. Moreover, he now had a good idea of how many men
and boys his troops were guarding--418 individuals held
originally, with "Six French hands Come in" by the 7th. He
planned to send out a party that afternoon under Lieutenant John
Handfield, Jr. "to the Uppermost Housses & to Examin Every
Individual by the List" he had compiled "& if any Fowle Play is
about Shall Make Examples as Instructed." The young Handfield
By September 7, Winslow
now had five transports waiting in the lower Gaspereau,
having sent two of them up to Fort Edward. He was
convinced "the
Government had not Provided Sufficient Vessels," which he hoped to
see remedied soon. Captain Murray informed him on the 8th that
his captives at Fort Edward also were behaving themselves. "[T]hey
are more Patient than I Could have Exscpected for People in their
Circumstances," Murray intimated, but that surprised him most "is
the Indifference of the women who really are or Seem Quite
unconcerned"--a clear indication that, despite the roundup of the
5th and the continued imprisonment of the men and boys, the Acadians
at Pigiguit, as at Minas, still were refusing to believe that they
were about to be deported. Despite the bloodless roundups at
Minas, Pigiguit, and Annapolis and the seeming calmness in those
areas in the days that followed, Murray was well aware of the
character of the men who made those bloodless roundups possible.
"I am afraid there will be Some Lives Lost before they are Got
together," he lamented, because "you Know our Soldiers Hate them and
if they Can Find a Pretence to Kill them, they will." Well
aware of the bloodshed at Chignecto, especially the mishap on the
Petitcoudiac, Murray commented philosophically: "I am
Exstreamly Sorrey to Hear of our Loss at Chignecto but it is the
Fortune of War, the Lads will Stand Fire better another time and I
hope will Soon wipe off their Scorest at next Meeting," which was
sure to come. "I Long Much to See the Poor wretches Embarked
and our affair a Little Settled and then I will do my Self the
Pleasure of Meeting you and Drinking their Good Voyage," Murray
promised. But when that would be, neither he nor Winslow
could say.
Sure enough, a few days
after Murray's letter to Winslow, blood was almost spilled at Minas. On
the morning of September 10, after discerning "Some Uncommon
Motions" among the younger prisoners in the Grand-Pré church yard which he "did not
Like," Winslow called together his officers. After a
short discussion, in which they agreed that "There were too many
prisoners for the troops to handle," Winslow and his officers
"Determined ... that it would be best to Divide the Prisoners."
Winslow offered no specifics in any of his recorded dispatches or
even
Such sentiments had been manifesting themselves for weeks now in the Chignecto area, where Monckton's New Englanders were still terrorizing the locals. Winslow's Yankees evidently were treating the Acadians at Minas with equal brutality. Faragher goes on: "It is hardly surprising that the actions of those troops had a pronounced anti-Catholic character. Shouting epithets and oaths, the Yankees forced the families of the missing men from their homes, plundered their personal property, and threatened their lives. The soldiers 'wanted to make us give up our religion and take theirs, but did not want to,' an Acadian woman remembered nearly seventy years later. 'They threatened us with death, and we answered that we would prefer to die. Then they made us line up while they loaded their guns with grapeshot. We were on our knees, our faces prostrate against the ground, offering our lives to God while waiting for the firing of the guns. I was only nine years old, and I too was prostrate beside my family. But suddenly the English changed their minds; they took all our goods and effects and left us nothing to cover ourselves.' The New England troops, writes one historian, 'seem to have regarded the expedition as a religious duty--much the same as an Israelite raid on the uncircumcised Philistines.'"94b
And now such righteous behavior was coming back to haunt them: "As the prisoners learned of the terror going on outside the church from the women who daily came in with provisions," Faragher relates, "their concern for their families mounted." Hence the disturbance in the church yard on the morning of the 10th among men who could not bear the thought of remaining apart from their families. Looking to the five merchant vessels from Boston sitting idly at anchor in the lower Gaspereau, Winslow took counsel of his fears and resolved to transfer at least half of his prisoners to those waiting vessels, which now would serve as prison ships until the deportation. Beginning with the young men, Winslow would send 50 prisoners to each transport, to be guarded by six non-commissioned officers and privates per vessel. This would relieve the crowded church of 250 of the 425 or so prisoners being held there. He requested Captain Abraham Adams of the HMS Warren, a schooner of war still on station at Minas, to maneuver his vessel into position to cover the operation, which likely would consume much of the day.94c
This having been decided, Winslow summoned François
Landry, the Acadians' "Principal Speaker who Talks English[,]
and Told Him it must be Done." The elder "was greatly
Surprised," as Winslow doubtlessly hoped he would be. François
and his fellow elder, René LeBlanc, had hoped that all the
talk about deportation was only a threat. But here the Yankee
colonel was proposing what until then had been unthinkable--not only
deportation from their beloved homeland, but the break up of their
families. Old François, seeing no choice but to comply, relayed Winslow's orders to "his bretherin":
all of the prisoners were to "be Drawn up Six Deep, their young men
on the Left, and as the Tide in a Very Little time Favoured"
Winslow's "Design," he "Could not Give them above an Houer to
Prepare for going on Board" the transports. Winslow ordered
all 300 of his officers and men "to be under Arms" and posted most
of them "between the Two Gates & the Church in the rear" of the
commander's quarters, which was the priest's house. When the
prisoners were lined up as directed, Winslow ordered Captain Nathan
Adams, with a lieutenant and 80 men "to Draw off from the main body"
of soldiers and march the young men, who numbered 141, to the ship's
boats that would take them out to the waiting transports. Only
then, facing the reality of family separation, did the Minas
Acadians finally defy him. The young men "all answered they
would Not go without their Fathers." "Non, they likely
shouted, pas sans nos pères!" Winslow would have none
of this. "I Told them," he confided to his Journal, "That Was
a word I did not understand," his foreign tongue translated by
François Landry. He told them through the aged
interpreter "that the Kings Command was to me absolute & Should be
absolutely obeyed & That I Did not Love to use Harsh Means but that
the time Did not admit of Parlies or Delays." Winslow "Then
ordered the whole Troops to Fix their Bayonets and advance Towards
the French." He next ordered the "4 right hand Files of the
Prisoners Consisting of 24 men" to be separated from the rest of the
prisoners. Taking hold of the first young man who had shouted
in defiance, he ordered him to march. "He obeyed," Winslow
related, "& the rest followed, thoh Slowly, and went off Praying,
Singing & Crying being Met by the women & Children," who followed
their sons and brothers, "with Great Lamentations." Some of
the mothers, sisters, and fiancées, crying out the names of their
loved ones, fell to their knees, as the young men trudged the mile
and a half from the Grand-Pré church to the landing on the
Gaspereau. Back at the church, Winslow ordered the married men
to choose 109 of their number and follow their young kinsmen down to
the landing. "They readily Complyed," Winslow insisted.
When Captain Adams returned with his lieutenant and 80 men, Winslow
ordered Captain Phineas Osgood with a lieutenant and 80 men to
escort these prisoners down to boats. "But when he Came to put
them on board the vessels," Winslow added, Captain Osgood counted
only 89 instead of 109. Winslow shrugged off the miscount, at
least for now, evidently satisfied that 230 of his 425 prisoners,
over half of them, were safely aboard the transports.
"Thus Ended this Troblesome Jobb, which was [a] Scheen of Sorrow,"
he confided to his Journal.
After the last of the
prisoners had been stowed away, Captain Abraham Adams, aboard the
HMS Warren, escorted the five transports down the Gaspereau
and around to the mouth of Rivière Pigiguit, where they anchored
east of present-day Oak Island. Winslow then turned to the
Acadian elders and broached the subject of feeding their kinsmen
aboard the transports. "I would Either Victual their People on
Board the Transportes with the Kings Provisions," he proposed, "or
Permit Them to have their Familys & Friends Provide for them their
Victuals and Dress it and Send it on Board." The elders chose
the latter method, though they may not have anticipated a potential
problem with the scheme: when the wind blew too hard or the
tide did not cooperate, it would be difficult, if not impossible,
for the Acadian "Familys & Friends" to take the boats full of
provisions out to the ships. Several days of contrary winds,
such as would accompany a gale or a hurricane, could bring the
prisoners aboard the transports to the point of starvation.
Evidently also unaware of the potential problem, Winslow "ordered all the Boats to
attend on the Top of every Tide that Should happen in the Day time
to receive Such Provissions as Should be brought by the women &
Children for those on Board their respective Vessels, and that a
French man Come in Every Boat to Receive and See that the Provisions
by Delivered to Each Person to whome it was Sent and to Permit as
many French People to go on Board to See their Frinds as their
Several Boats would Carry."
That evening, the elders
pressed on Winslow something that he was not authorized to accept: another "memorial."
The Acadians had dug into their community archive and produced a
copy of the qualified oath they had taken under Governor Philipps in
April 1730, as well as a certificate, written by the priests at
Grand-Pré and Pigiguit at the time, attesting to their having taken
an oath that allowed the free practice of their religion and
exempted them from bearing arms against the French. With these
documents came a newly-written petition to Lieutenant Colonel
Winslow, which he summarized in his Journal: "Representing
that the Evils which Seams to threaten them on all Sides Obliges
them to beg your Protection on their behalf and that you will
interced with his Majesty to Consider those who have Invioblay Kept
the Fidelity and Submition Promised to his sd Majesty"--an appeal
based on their belief that they had maintained a strict neutral
during this and previous wars. The petition goes on:
"and as you have Given them to understand that the King has ordered
them to be Transported out of this Province they beg at Least if
they must Quit their Estates that they may be permitted to Go to
Such Places where they will Finde their Kindred & that at their own
Exspence, allowing them a Convenient time for that Purpose, more
Particularly as that by that Means they will be able to Preserve
their Religion which they have Verry much at Harte, and for which
they are Content to Sacrafice their Estates, &c." How
surprised they would have been to know that His Majesty George II,
the same King to whom they had pledged their fidelity in 1730, had
not ordered their removal and that he likely was unaware of its
impending execution. Nor would their governor, who, with the
approval of his Council but in contradiction of royal policy, had
"ordered them to be Transported out this Province," allowed them to
go anywhere than where he planned to send them--North Carolina,
Virginia, and Maryland, where only in Maryland would they have a
chance of practicing their religion openly. Allowing them to
go to Louisbourg or Québec was anathema to Lawrence's plan, which
was based on the colony's military needs, not on the needs and
desires of a hostile population.
Although Lawrence had
expressly forbidden him, or any of the other commanders, to accept
anymore memorials from the Acadians, Winslow sent the collection of
documents to merchant Isaac Deschamps at Pigiguit for a translation.
He then forwarded the translation to Lawrence. According to
John Mack Faragher, Winslow would do nothing more on behalf of the
Minas prisoners. "He refused to intercede on behalf of the
Acadians and refused to make any commitment as to their ultimate
destination, although he was well aware that Lawrence planned to
send them to widely dispersed locations, as far away from their
kindred in New France as possible. Nor would he give the
Acadians more time to prepare. He would ship them off as soon
as he had sufficient transports, 'that at length we may get over
this troublesome affair, which is more grievous to me than any
service I was ever employed in.'" And who knows how much
longer it would be before the rest of the transports arrived.
On September 12, Winslow received a note from
Captain Murray congratulating him for the successful transfer and
wishing that he and his officers at Pigiguit "Could Get rid of ours
also." Winslow also received a long directive from Lawrence,
dated the 11th. Judging by its contents, the lieutenant
governor, at the time that he wrote, was unaware of the Minas
memorial. He congratulated Winslow and Murray on their
successful operations. He reminded Winslow that Cobeguit lay
within Winslow's command and offered a company of rangers to help
him round up the inhabitants there as well, "which I belive,"
Lawrence intimated, "will be no easy Task." He informed
Winslow that Admiral Boscawen had sent the 20-gun ship HMS
Nightingale, Master Dudley Diggs, to Minas for escort duty.
Evidently unaware of Winslow's recent efforts, Lawrence insisted
that "I would have you put the men on board [the transports] as Fast
as you Can" and continue his policy of allowing the women "to
Provide them Victuals til they are ready to Sail, as it will be a
Considerable Saving to the Government." Lawrence said nothing
about keeping the Acadian families together. He promised more
provisions for Minas and Pigiguit, promising that the ship would
sail from Halifax "tomorrow or the Day after." Aboard this
vessel, Lawrence informed him, would be the delegates
from Minas, Pigiguit, and Annapolis Royal who had been held on Georges Island
since July.
Upon their arrival, he instructed, the delegates from Minas and Pigiguit would be thrown in
with the others, and the delegates from Annapolis would be marched
under guard back to their own community, "that they may Go off with
their Families." Evidently unhappy with the lack of progress
in rounding up the Acadians in the Annapolis valley, Lawrence ordered Winslow to direct the commander of the party who would
escorting the Annapolis deputies "to Scour all the Villages on the
River as they Go Down, and Carry into Annapolis all the Men they Can
Finde, and Order the women to follow with their Children Carrying
with them what Provissions they Can For the mens Subsistance til
they are all ready for Sailing. I donte Care how Soon the
Party is Sent to Annapolis," Lawrence added, "Provided it Donte
Hinder the Cobequid Expedition," which now must be a priority.
The mission at Annapolis, as well as an operation against Cobeguit,
would require a substantial number of Winslow's troops.
Lawrence, in fact, sent Winslow an undated memorandum setting the
number for the Annapolis detachment at 30 or 40 men, so Winslow had
done well to move most of the Minas prisoners from the church to the
transports before Lawrence thrust these new missions on him.
In the same memo, Lawrence, ever the micro-manager, but also aware
of Acadian crafitness, "Charged" the masters of the transports "Not
to Suffer Many Inhabitants on Deck at a time for Fear of their
Seasing or running away with their Vessels." Lawrence was
especially concerned about the harvest at Minas and Pigiguit.
He insisted that "All Posable Care must be Taken to Save as Much of
the Grain as you can for the Good of the Publick and likewise the
Cattle which we Shall want, both for Supplying the Fleet and the
Soldiers with Fresh Provissions" He also planned to use
Acadian livestock to provision Halifax and Lunenburg during the
swiftly approaching winter.
Even after they had gone to their places of exile, the Acadians would be sustaining their Protestant neighbors.
On September 17, Winslow answered Lawrence with a lengthy letter of his own. He reviewed for the governor what he had told the Acadians 12 days before, after he had locked them inside the church, adding: "They were Greatly Struck at this Determination, thoh I belive that they did not then Nor to this Day do Imagine that they are Actually to be removed." He reviewed his scheme of sending some of the men back to their villages as 24-hour "hostages," 20 at a time, and reported that "this Method I have Continued in to this Day and have found no Ilconveniency in it." He then detailed the transference of 230 of the Acadians, including all of the young men, to the transports, the week before. Winslow no doubt was happy to report "that we have been all around the Villages here to ye remotest parts of Cannard by parties and Cant Finde but what we Got the whole in Our Possession Excepting about Thirty Very old & Infirm whome I am Loth to Incumber our Selves with til their Departure. As to Provissions," he added proudly, "I have Exspended None to the French, but one Day being the First of Their Detention, before a Method was Found for their Subsistence, which is now Settled in this Form vizt that the women & Boys bring Provissions for those in Custoday at this Place." He then described in detail the scheme he employed for feeding the prisoners on the transports.
Other than seeing the Acadians gone, nothing could have pleased Lawrence more than a scheme that saved so much of "the Publick Money."
Winslow nonetheless was
eager for George Saul and the extra transports to come to Minas.
He was aware of the arrival of the transports at Chignecto nearly a
month before, but "what Detains them I Cant tel," he confessed to
Lawrence.
Despite his complaints,
Winslow could see signs that his mission at Minas was nearing
completion. He and his men had rounded up and secured the
great majority of the men and older boys in the colony's largest
community. His men were helping the Acadian women and children
bring in the rest of a good harvest, threshing the grain, and
securing their animals for
government use. In less than two weeks, his force, which he
had always considered to be too small for the task,
Sometime in late
September, Winslow received a letter, dated September 4, from
General William Pepperell of Kittery Point, Maine, the hero of
Louisbourg. The general congratulated his former subordinate
"upon the Success" he had "been Favored with against those that have
Invadd his Majestys rights to Lands they had no just pretense to,"
and wished him more success in the King's service. Pepperell
was writing in favor of a friend and neighbor, Colonel Nathaniel
Donnal, "who is Bound to your Government to receive Some Debts
formerly Due to him from the Nutral French." The letter
contains no names of Donnal's Acadian debtors, so one wonders who
they may have been. One also wonders what were the chances the
Yankee colonel could collect such a debt, especially after Winslow
had informed these Acadians that all of their lands and cattle now
belonged to the King. Winslow also received a letter from
fellow Yankee Silvanus Cobb, then living at Chignecto, who
congratulated the lieutenant colonel for his "fine Success and
Securing So Many of the Bogers," meaning the Acadians. "I hope
you will Continue in Such Success til you have routed all Such
Enemys from the Land," Cobb chortled. "[W]e have been Not So
Luckey here in as much as So many Got off before we Could lay hands
on them but hope to have them in time." The Yankee trader then
got down to the business for which he was pestering his friend:
"there is among those at Mines or Piziquid one who I paid for a pair
of Bullocks & Likewise another pair at the River Canard which I paid
one Murp L3 Towards as I Expect ye Cattle will all be Seized for the
King. [I] Should take it as a Favor," he beseeched Winslow,
"that you should Contrive Some way to Secure me Cattle before they
Go off, one Joseph Landre Car Tel the Name of the man."
During the late week of
September, Winslow received a long missive from Lawrence, dated
September 23, in which the governor thanked him for the list of
detainees at Minas. Lawrence also approved of Winslow's manner
of feeding the men and boys on his list.
Having pressed Lieutenant-Colonel Monckton to send away the Acadians
he was holding at Chignecto, Lawrence was confident that George
Saul and Monckton's extra transports would have reached Minas before
Winslow received the letter. Lawrence, as
always, was especially keen on his commanders "Saving of the Publick
Money." He assured Winslow that if did not receive the proper
victuals for the deportation vessels from Chignecto, he would
receive them from Annapolis Royal or Halifax.
As soon as he embarked his Acadians, Lawrence instructed Winslow, "I would
have you Loose No time in sending a Strong Detachment to Major
Handfield agreable to your former Instructions as he Seems to want
them very much being Suspicious that ye Inhabitants of that River
will not Come in Volentarily as they have Promised." Lawrence
next broached a subject that could only have miffed the Yankee
colonel. "We Shall when the Country is Clear of French
Inhabitants have much use for the Rangers," Lawrence wrote, "and as
that Service Can Never be So well performed by any as by real
Indians, I Must desier it as a Perticular Favor that you will
Countenance as far as you have it in your Power the Exchange
Proposed by Capt [John] Goreham[sic]," which was included in
an attached letter penned by Gorham. Here was a clear
admission that, even after the majority of the "French Neutrals"
would be sent into exile, enough of them would remain to menace the
colony through armed resistance. The rest of Lawrence's
missive concerned the need for a close accounting of the cost to the
colony of feeding Winslow's New Englanders wherever they were
stationed. "Donte Know how to Supply with Salt," the governor
concluded, "unless you Could Get Some from Annapolis by Horse
Carrage." Gorham's letter, dated September 22, offered the
astonishing proposal of exchanging for ranger service not only
enlisted men from Massachusetts who belonged to the colony's Indian
tribes, but also the officers of the Massachusetts Regiment who were
reluctant to part with them.
Another letter dated
September 22, this one from naval Captain John Rous,
lauded not only Rous's recent service in Newfoundland
clearing out the French there, but also the fighting
prowess of the New-English troops under General Sir
William Johnson in upper New York. Although Rous
had been holding his rank of naval captain under a
regular commission for nearly a decade, he was still at
heart the New English privateer who helped defeat the
French at Louisbourg. After crowing about the New
Englanders at Lake George, Rous intimated to his fellow
Yankee: "I hope one Day to hear that Some of those which have
asspersed the Character of the New England Troops in this Province,
will be Cald to an account for So doing."
Winslow also received
from Archibal Hinshelwood, a royal official at Halifax, and Joseph
Goreham, John Gorham's younger brother, letters dated September 26.
They, too, sought favors from the Minas commander, in the form of "Some Oxen &
Milk Cowes & a Couple of Horses," recently taken from the Acadians,
"for Stocking their Forces at Lunenburg." They offered to
provide the men to bring in the critters and a
proper accounting of what was taken. They, too,
lamented Winslow's "Troublesom Service" and hoped to pay their
respects to him soon. No sooner had Winslow read
these letters than he received another missive from John Rous. The
captain, now a member of the colonial Council, hoped to acquire "a
good Strong Horse ... to ride or Draw me about the Town, as I recon
you have many Able Horses, about you for I have been Sick this Six
weeks & the Doctr recommends to me riding to recover my Health."
Rous also requested "a good Milch Cow" confiscated from the
Acadians. When Winslow answered these inquiries, h
On September 26, the
sloop Ulysses, under Captain Rogers, arrived at Minas with a
month's supply of provisions for Winslow's troops but no
reinforcement. Two days later, the armed snow HMS Halifax,
under Captain John Taggart, reached Minas. Aboard was the
long-awaited George Saul and food for the deportees at Minas and
Pigiguit. Winslow now had the victuals "for the removal of ye
French Inhabitants," but no transports from Boston accompanied the
Halifax. Saul, following the governor's instructions of
August 11, already had been to Chignecto, so this was his second
delivery; after completing his business at Minas, he would move on
to Annapolis Royal. Saul's instructions called for the
following seven-day ration to be issued for each deportee:
"Five Pounds of French Flower, Two Pounds of Bread &c, One Pound of Beaf." In those instructions, Lawrence had noted: "This
allowance Differs from that Mentioned by me in My Letter to Colo
Monckton of the 31st of July Last but it is Equally Sufficient and
Less Exspence to the Government." Lawrence, in fact, had
included in his August 11 instructions to the commanders a seven-day
ration of "5 pounds of flour and one pound of pork." Saul's
instructions also contained the following dictum from Lawrence:
"you are to Victual Every Person for Thirty Days bound to the
Southward of Piladelphia and those that Shall be Debarked at
Pihdelpia or to ye Northward thereof Shall be Victualled Each Person
for Twenty Days at the before mentioned allowance." Also to be
distributed among "ye French People" would be "29 Hds of Horse Beans
and Two Hds of French Beans among the Several Transportes ... over &
beside the allowance of Bread Flower & Beaf as Mentioned."
Lawrence detailed the procedure to be followed with the ship's
masters to account for the cost of the provisions.
Anticipating delays between embarkation and sailing, Lawrence
provided an allowance for the deportees "of Five Pounds of French
Flower and One Pound of Porke" per week, which was the ration for
the troops who would guard the deportees aboard each vessel.
Winslow
responded to Lawrence's latest missive on September 29. He
informed the governor of the arrival of George Saul but complained
that no more transports seemed forthcoming, either from Boston or
Chignecto, that the ones he had were only a fraction of what he
needed. He proposed that the transports waiting idly at
Annapolis come to Minas. With these added vessels, he and
Murray could ship off the large number of inhabitants they were
holding. This would free up many of his men to assist
Handfield in rounding up the valley Acadians. Winslow
informed the governor of that which Lawrence probably already
knew--there would be no inhabitants to ship off from Cobeguit.
He voiced approval of Joseph Goreham's scheme of placing
Massachusetts Indians in the ranger service but used the opportunity
to remind Lawrence of how small was his force at Minas.
Besides, there were only a hand full of Indians in the entire
regiment, and the one or two at Minas did not belong to his
battalion. He promised to forward the details of Goreham's
scheme to the New England company commanders who did have Indians in
their units. "I have Certain Intelligence," he informed
Lawrence, "that partys of the French Do pass & repas acrose from
Shepody Side over to ours & that they hold rendevouzes &c about the
River Pero [Pereau]. As Soon as Capt Lewis" and his detachment
of rangers and New Englanders returned from Cobeguit, Winslow
proposed, "Shall Make a Thoroh Vissit to that part and the Old River
Habitant where are Villages I have but Lately heard of and none of
their Inhabitants Come in." This was an astonishing admission
on Winslow's part: he and his New Englanders had been at Minas
for nearly a month and a half, and only now was he "hearing" of the
villages in the northern areas of Minas Proper. His report
also hinted that the refugees from the trois-rivères, perhaps
including armed partisans, may have come to recue their cousins on
the south shore of the Bay of Fundy. He reported the arrival
of the escort vessel, HMS Nightingale, master Dudley Diggs,
on the 26th and the frustration of Captain Diggs on finding the
Minas transports not yet ready for sailing. Winslow was
genuinely embarrassed about forwarding to the governor the Minas
Acadians' latest memorial. He mentioned General Pepperells's
intervention on behalf of his friend and neighbor,
On September 30, in
separate letters, Lawrence informed Murray and Winslow of a change
in their original orders of August 11 detailing the destinations of
the transports from their areas of command. Captain Diggs of
the escort vessel HMS Nightingale would sail "No Further
westward" than Philadelphia, so that port, and not North Carolina,
would become the destination for some of their Acadians.
Lawrence expressed the hope that more transports from Boston already
had arrived and that others would soon reach him from
Chignecto. And, of course, he addressed the need to save
money. "Pray Donte Lett Mr. George Saul Exceed his
Instructions with regard to the victualling," Lawrence beseeched
them, adding that "we have Incurred a Great Expensce by it, at
Chignecto." He urged Winslow to finish his round up as soon as
possible "as the Detention of them is a very Heavy Exspence as well
as a Great Hinderance to the Public Service." On October 2,
Winslow was still complaining of not having received any more
transports from Chignecto. The following day, however, in
response to Winslow's suggestion, Lawrence ordered the transports
intended for Annapolis Royal to proceed to Minas and Pigiguit
instead.
It was time to be rid of the hundreds of Acadians still lingering in the colony's agricultural heartland.
Embarkation and Deportation, September-December 1755
By late September,
Lieutenant-Colonel Monckton had rounded up as many Acadians as his
troops could safely get at. But despite a month and a half of effort,
he still was retaining "more transports than he needed, and his orders were to
send his extra vessels to Winslow" at Minas, John Mack Faragher
reminds us, "yet he was reluctant to release them, thinking his
campaign of terror would induce more inhabitants to surrender."
By then, however, Lawrence's patience had snapped. "'I am much
surprised as well as extremely sorry and uneasy that the transports
are not sailed,'" the governor complained. "'You will immediately
order all the people on board which you have, whether all the women
be come in or not.'" It was time for
the women and children still camped outside the forts to join their men
Monckton also may have believed he had broken the back of the
local resistance before it could get out of hand. In late
September, he felt
secure enough to allow the mothers, wives, and daughters of the
captured partisans to
bring their victuals to them inside the forts, but this indulgence soon
ended. According to Dianne Marshall:
"Near the end of September ..., when the usual group of women was
leaving Fort Lawrence after a scheduled visit, a guard noticed one
of them limping and as none had been lame on the way in, he became
very suspicious. A closer look revealed the 'woman' to be one
of the prisoners disguised in female clothing that had been smuggled
in by his wife. From that moment on, all visits ceased.
But by then it was too late." The women had been smuggling in
other items, baked in loaves of bread or inserted in bundles of
fresh clothing. The Acadians then struck Monckton another blow, this time with spoons instead of musket
balls. During the predawn hours of October 1, "during a fierce
thunderstorm," 86 of the prisoners being held in Fort Lawrence,
including Joseph Broussard dit Beausoleil "and
several of his grown sons and nephews," slipped through
a muddy tunnel they had been digging with smuggled
spoons, knives, and whatever else they had been able to
find. Lieutenant-Colonel
Monckton reported that the escape tunnel
Here, running through the
rain back to their homes on the trois-rivières,
T
Unfortunately for these women and their
fellow Acadians, "the embarkation at Fort Cumberland took place in a
headlong rush," and the scene that followed in the next few days
added poignancy to the words le grand dérangement.
Whatever order Monckton hoped to impose on the loading procedure was
lost in the chaos of the actual embarkation, a result, perhaps, of
the two months of toil and terror among his New Englanders, their
frustrations now unleashed on the helpless Acadians. New-English Major Preble observed that "The French are daily driving off
the Cattle, Sheep & Hogs in Sight of us, and no Method taken to
Prevent it, Nor have our men had one Pound of Fresh Meat Served to
them Since you left us but are obliged to take French Pork or None,"
he informed Lieutenant-Colonel Winslow on October 10. And then
there was the uncooperative weather that wreaked havoc on Monckton's
timetable. A heavy rainstorm on October 6 and 7 did "Terrible
work amongst our Transports," Major Preble continued. "Sume
Dealt there Cables & went a Shore, and Some Run into the Creeks, and
if they are not Soon Dispatched there will be no Vessels fit to
Carry off the Tartars," as he described the inhabitants. When
the embarkation resumed in earnest, "'Families were seized and thrown pell-mell into the transports,'" a
young Acadian remembered. "'No one was granted any grace.
The least resistance meant death. Terror was everywhere.
They succeeded in filling several vessels full of inhabitants.
Children were separated from their parents, husbands from their
wives, brothers from their sisters.'" One of Monckton's staff
officers later admitted: "'I fear some families were divided
and sent to different parts of the globe ... notwithstanding all
possible care was taken to prevent it.'"
During the chaos at Chignecto, at least
one young Acadian managed to elude his captors.
The great of majority of the Acadians on the transports, however, were not as bold as Pierrot Cormier. On Monday, October 13, eight transports with nearly 1,800 Acadians aboard and three escort vessels, one of them carrying 29 prisoners in chains, slipped away from Chignecto and headed down the Bay of Fundy to the Annapolis Basin, which they reached via the Gut that evening. The schooner Jolly Phillip, 94 tons, held 129 Acadians, well under its complement of 188; its master, Jonathan Waite, carried a letter for the governor of Georgia. The ship Prince Frederick, 170 tons, held 280 Acadians, well under Lawrence's dictum of two passengers per ton; its master, William Trattles, also held orders to sail to Georgia. The schooner Boscawen, 95 tons, held 190 Acadians, its exact complement; its master, David Bigham, carried a letter for the governor of Pennsylvania. The ship Union, 196 tons, held 392 Acadians, its exact complement; its master, Jonathan Carthorne, also carried orders to sail to Philadelphia. The sloop Dolphin, 90 tons, held only 121 Acadians; its master, William Hancock, carried a letter for the governor of South Carolina. The ship Edward Cornwallis, 130 tons, held 417 Acadians, substantially more than its complement of 260 passengers, so it was grossly overloaded; its master, Andrew Sinclair, also carried orders to sail to Charles Town. The sloop Endeavor, 96 tons, held at least 121 Acadians; its master, James Nichols, held orders to sail to Charles Town. The brig Two Brothers, 161 tons, held only 132 Acadians; its master, James Best, also carried orders to sail to Charles Town. One of the escort vessels, the HMS Syren, master Charles Proby, carried a special cargo--21 Acadians held in irons, including Alexandre and Victor Broussard, destined for South Carolina.
The Boscawen and the Union would be lost at sea.109a
The short voyage to Annapolis basin was not without incident. Some of the Acadian men aboard the brig Two Brothers attempted to take over the vessel at dusk, but the soldiers aboard assisted the crew in maintaining control of the vessel. Meanwhile, aboard the schooner Jolly Phillip, the guards robbed some of the Acadians of their money and clothing. When Captain Proby heard of it, he ordered the soldiers to be severely punished. The 11 vessels lingered at Annapolis for two more weeks, waiting for the transports from Minas and Pigiguit to join them for the voyage down the coast.110
.
Finally, on October 4,
having been informed that transports diverted from Annapolis were on their way
to Minas,
Lieutenant-Colonel Winslow ordered the Acadian women at Grand-Pré
and the other villages "'to hold themselves in
readiness to embark with all their household goods.'" The
embarkation would begin in earnest two days later. On the
advice of his company commanders, Winslow decided to place not only immediate
families, but also entire villages aboard the same vessels. He
would place as many as he could aboard the transports already
waiting and embark more of them aboard the vessels Lawrence had
promised were coming to him. On the appointed day, however,
Monday, October 6, Winslow noted that "Even now Could not Perswade the People I
was in Earnest."
And then Winslow's well-laid
embarkation plans
began to unravel. On the 6th and 7th, a "cold, hard rain
forced a postponement of embarkation." On the evening of the
7th, while the storm still raged, 24 of the young men aboard two the
sloops--the Leopard and the Endeavour, masters Thomas
Church and Hohn Stone, respectively--managed to slip away.
The guards aboard the transports, eight per vessel, could not
explain how it happened, until someone found discarded men's
clothing in the holds of the ships. Using dresses spirited to
them by their mothers and sisters, the young Acadians disguised
themselves as women, followed their female kin off the vessels, and
disappeared into the countryside. Winslow's instinct, no
doubt, was to set his Yankees after them, but he focused, instead,
on his larger mission. On Wednesday the 8th, with the return
of fair weather and "winter already in the air," he ordered as many
of his men as he could spare from guard duty "to fan out through the
hamlets, driving the women, the children, the sick and infirm into
the village of Grand Pré," from whence they would be parceled out to
the transports still lying in the lower Gaspereau. Winslow
described the scene in his Journal: "began to Embarke the
Inhabitants who went off Very Solentarily and unwillingly, the women
in Great Distress Carrying off Their Children in their arms.
Others Carrying their Decript Parents in their Carts and all their
Goods Moving in Great Confussion & appeared a Sceen of woe &
Distress." Their ancestors had come to this place in the early
1680s and had created what some had called an agricultural paradise,
but here were their descendants, now numbering in the hundreds,
leaving behind them all that they had built there, all that they had
known. After being herded like cattle from the village to the
landing, 80 or so families were packed into two of the transports:
the 87-ton Leopard, which eventually held 178 Acadians, 4
over the limit; and the 97-ton sloop Elizabeth, which would
hold 242, 48 over the limit, both vessels bound for Maryland.
The same sad scenes were playing out at nearby Pigiguit, where some
of the inhabitants were complicating matters by taking the river
road down to Minas to join up with relatives there.
Meanwhile, Winslow "made the Strickest
Enquiery" into the previous evening's escape. He learned, to
his satisfaction at least, that François Hébert, who had been
held aboard the Leopard, "was Either the Contriver or abetter"
of the escape from that vessel and so must be made an example.
He ordered Hébert bound and brought ashore. At midday, in front of
dozens of Acadians still huddled in the village, including members
of the Hébert family, Winslow's men dragged the alleged conspirator
to his homestead, where he and his fellow Acadians were "forced to
witness the burning of his house, barn, and possessions."
Winslow then "Gave Notice to all the French that in Case these men
Did not Surrender them Selves in Two Days, I Should Serve all their Frinds in the Same Maner & not only So would Confisticate their
Household Goods and when Ever those men Should Fall Into the English
hands they would not be admitted to Quarter." That is to say,
Winslow's Yankees now had orders to shoot the escapees on sight wherever they
might find them. Hébert was hustled back aboard the Leopard, where he was joined by
his family later in the day.
Oddly, that night, the password among Winslow's Yankees was "Landree."124
On Thursday the 9th, Winslow ordered
the removal of the men from the empty transports waiting in the
lower Gaspereau "So as to Commode Each Nighbourhood for their
Familys to Joyne them when the other Transportes arived." He
then instructed the masters of the three vessels to drop anchor off Pointe-des-Boudrot,
which lay between the mouths of rivières des Habitants and Canards.
There they would take aboard families from the villages northwest of
Grand-Pré, where his troops had herded hundreds of more women and
children. Evidently Winslow planned to embark the 600 or 700
Acadians still waiting at Grand-Pré on transports that would
soon arrive from Annapolis or Chignecto, but when that would be
was anyone's guess. On Friday the 10th, Dudley Diggs, master
of the escort vessel HMS Nightingale, complained that,
despite two days of fair winds, the transports from Annapolis had
not arrived. Diggs also complained about his dwindling water
supply, as well as his need for "a Little French Meat, for my
People," and proposed that "Two Bullocks will be of great Service to
them having a Great Many Down with Colds." By the end of the
day, however, seven transports had
arrived from Annapolis--the Hannah, a 70-ton sloop under
master Richard Adams; the Sarah and Molly, another 70-ton
sloop under Master James Purrington; the Mary, a 90
1/2-ton schooner under master Andrew Dunning; the Three
Friends, a 69-ton sloop under master Thomas Carlile; and likely
the Swan, an 80-ton sloop under master Jonathan Loviette; the
Industry, an 86-ton sloop under master George Goodwin; and
the Prosperous, a 75-ton sloop under master Daniel Bragdon. Winslow ordered them to haul alongside the armed snow HMS Halifax
one at a time, and,
Meanwhile, elder François Landry beseeched Winslow to allow him to do what he could to retrieve "the young men Deserted" with the promise "that they Should not be Punished upon their return." Only then could they be "Induced to Come in," the elder believed. Winslow answered haughtily that "I had already passed my word of Honr for it, and Now repeated it to him & Should Go no Further, be the Consequences what it would," which was his clumsy way of approving the amnesty.125a
On October 11, Winslow informed
Lieutenant-Governor Lawrence that, with seven more transports now
available to him, he would resume the embarkation on the
13th and hoped that by "the Coming week will put an End
to our Duty here of removing the Inhabitants...."
Winslow complained that the many requests for beeves was
taxing his resources. He also complained about the
quality of the cattle he and his men were rounding up
for the navy. "I am Certain the Inhabitants have
Drove the Cattle Back into the Countrey," he surmised,
"and as Soon as we are rid of the People Make no
Question but their Beasts may be Found," but for now the
focus of action would be ridding the province of "the
People." Winslow and Murray were determined to
keep at least the immediate families together, but, at
the landing on the Gaspereau, at Pointe-des-Boudrot, and
evidently at Pigiguit as well, chaos reigned.
John Mack Faragher
explains the problem with Winslow's scheme: "... because the
men and women had been separated, with the men further divided
between those imprisoned on the transports and those in the church,
attempting to unite husbands with wives and to keep families
together proved terribly complicated, requiring troops and crews to
shuttle prisoners from one vessel to another as families were
loaded." The breakdown of the scheme was heartbreaking:
"... according to Acadian tradition," Faragher continues, "the
inhabitants were packed randomly onto the transports, despite their
desperate pleas to soldiers and sailors who could not understand
their language." One of the Pigiguit Acadians offered insight
into the socio-economic impact of what he had witnessed: "'The
hurry and confusion in which we were embarked,' wrote Jean-Baptiste
Galerne, 'was an aggravating circumstance attending our misfortunes,
for thereby many who had lived in affluence found themselves
deprived of every necessary, and many families were separated,
parents from children, and children from parents.' Anguished
mothers cried out for missing children," Faragher relates, "frantic
wives refused to board without their husbands, angry husbands
resisted the orders of angry soldiers."
The inhabitants' anguish was compounded
by British ignorance of the Acadians' concept of
"family." The so-called nuclear or immediate
family, in which a married couple and their children
lived apart from their relations, was rare among Acadian couples. To the typical Acadian of the mid-eighteenth century,
separation from grandparents, aunts and uncles, nephews, nieces, and
first and second cousins could be as painful an experience as
separation from parents and siblings. Did
Winslow and his officers lost control
of another aspect of the embarkation. One suspects Charles Lawrence would have shrugged off the Acadians' pain and suffering, but the mad destruction of
what they left behind them, now the property of the King, would have
triggered the lieutenant-governor's famous temper. Again, Faragher says
it best: "Once the inhabitants had been driven from their
homes, Minas belonged to the vultures," human as well as avian.
"Their abandoned property became the object of pillage and
destruction. Off-duty soldiers and sailors as well as English
and German colonists from Halifax, Lunenburg, and other Protestant
settlements on the Atlantic coast raided homes, looted storehouses,
killed chickens, butchered hogs, and dug through gardens for buried
valuables. For several days, chaos reigned." Elder
François Landry "complained bitterly to Winslow that in addition to
plundering Acadian property, troops and colonists were abusing
Acadian women in their encampment on the landing."
Winslow responded on the 13th with an order addressed not only to
his own troops, but also to ship's masters to keep their crewmen
under control so that "an End may be put to Distressing this
Distressed People." Winslow had
been warning Lawrence for weeks that he did not have enough troops
to fulfill his mission, and here was a terrible manifestation of
that fact. Nevertheless, on October 12, "amid these
scenes of ransack and pillage," Winslow managed to send several
companies of his New Englanders into outlying hamlets "to sweep up
fugitives and stragglers," and his Yankees finally found the
opportunity to shoot Acadians. "One patrol discovered a number
of the young escapees hiding in an abandoned hamlet," Faragher
relates. "Ordered to surrender, they instead fled on
horseback. The soldiers fired, killing one young
man--reputedly a grandson of Pierre Melanson dit
Laverdure, one of the first settlers at Minas ...--and mortally
wounding another. These were the first Acadian fatalities
recorded in Winslow's journal," Faragher tells us, "although Acadian
tradition claims many others."
They may have been the first Minas Acadians to suffer violent deaths, but they would not be the last.
On Monday the 13th, when the
embarkation at Minas resumed in earnest, François
Landry coaxed the other young men to return to Grand-Pré, and
Winslow allowed them to board the transports with their families.
Chaos reigned not only in the villages, but also out on the
water. L
By the evening of the 13th, John Mack
Faragher tells us, "all the Acadians of Grand Pré had been loaded
onto five transports anchored in the mouth of rivière Gaspereau.
These vessels ...," Faragher informs us, "had been specially
outfitted to carry human cargo, the holds divided into two or three
levels about four feet high, much as they were arranged in vessels
used for the slave trade." Since all of the transports had
been hired from the Boston firm of Apthorp and Hancock, one can
assume that the transports at Chignecto, now making their way down
the Bay of Fundy to the Annapolis Basin, were similarly fitted out
to accommodate the deportees at two persons per marine ton.
The available transports at Minas now full, Winslow issued orders to
each of the ship's masters. First, he informed them of where
they would be going. The Elizabeth and Leopard,
which had loaded at Grand-Pré and would be escorted by HMS Nightingale, were off to Maryland
with 420 Acadians aboard. The
Hannah, with its 140 deportees, and the Swan, with
168, eight over the limit--308 Acadians in all, loading at Pointe-des-Boudrot--were going to Pennsylvania.
The Endeavor with its 166 deportees, six over the limit; the
Industry with 177; the Mary with 182; the Prosperous with 152,
two over the
limit; and the Sarah and Molly with 154 deportees, 14
over the limit--831 Acadians in all, also loading at
Pointe-des-Boudrot and
At Pigiguit, Murray was still embarking
his Acadians, so the transports at Minas had to wait for
these additional vessels to join them in the basin
before moving on to the rendezvous at Annapolis.
During Murray's operation, one can be certain that the
Protestant settlers from Halifax and Lunenburg were just
as voracious in looting the villages at Pigiguit as they
were at
Minas. But Murray had a more pressing problem on his hands:
he still did not have enough transports to meet the
two-persons-per-ton passenger limit Lawrence had negotiated with the Boston shippers. On the
14th, Murray registered
By the 20th, Winslow
could report to Governor Shirley via an acquaintance in Boston that, even though he had loaded
nearly 1,600 Acadians from the various villages at Minas aboard the
nine transports available to him, he "apprehended full 500 More in
these my Districks" for which he had no vessels. He already
had overloaded several of his transports--one of them, the
Elizabeth, heading to Maryland, was 48 passengers over the limit.
Earlier in the month, Lieutenant-Colonel Monckton had promised him three
more transports, but they were nowhere to be seen. Winslow had no
choice but to march the inhabitants still waiting at Pointe-des-Boudrots--98
families, "upwards of Six Hundred Souls" from "the ... Villages of
Antoine & Landry & Some of Cannard"--down to Grand-Pré,
where he placed the women and children in the abandoned houses
closest to his camp. Winslow extracted a promise from the men
and older boys to answer to a roll call at sunset each day and
allowed them to remain with their families.
On Tuesday, October 21, 14
transports--nine from Minas and five from Fort
Edward--raised their flukes in the anchorage at lower
Gaspereau, at Pointe-des-Boudrot, and in the lower
Pigiguit, and slowly made their way on the ebbing
tide to their rendezvous in Minas Basin. Aboard were
over 2,600 Acadians--1,559 from Minas and 1,061 from Pigiguit--rounded up
from dozens of villages and
hamlets,
.
During the week following the transports' departure for Annapolis Royal, Winslow received a dispatch from Lawrence, dated the 23rd, that anticipated the departure of all of the Minas Acadians and detailed a new mission for Winslow and his men. Instead of sending "a Strong Detachment" to assist Major Handfield at Annapolis, he and his men would go to Pigiguit, "where you will leave with Capt. Murray such a Number of Men as he and you shall Conclude to be Necessary for the Defence of the Garrison, & for Sending out Parties to Scour the Country & Prevent the Enemy from Carrying off the Cattle or Provissions that may be found in the Villages," left intact by Murray and his men. Having saved from depredation that which mattered to Lawrence most--the Acadians' crops and animals--the governor planned to remove the New England troops from Nova Scotia by sailing the ones at Chignecto to Fort Edward, where they would rendezvous with Winslow's command before sailing round to Halifax, from whence, it was presumed, the entire regiment would return to Boston. However, Lawrence gave no specific timetable for what must have been welcome news to Winslow and his Yankees.136
But even a
During the first week of November
For this righteous old
Puritan from Marshfield, Massachusetts, it truly had been
.
All had been quiet--perhaps too
quiet--in the Annapolis valley during the months of September and
October. In the second week of September, word reached Major
Handfield at
Fort Anne that the delegates who had been held at Halifax since late
July would be returned to their families via Minas. On
September 17, Lieutenant-Colonel Winslow at Grand-Pré informed
Lieutenant-Governor Lawrence that the imprisoned delegates had
reached him, including 27 going to Annapolis. He planned to send them under
guard--a lieutenant, two sergeants, a corporal, and 35 privates--via
the road to the upper valley in a day or two. Winslow had
orders from Lawrence to instruct the officer in charge of the guard,
which turned out to be Lieutenant William Peabody, "to Scour all the Villages
on the [upper Annapolis] River as they Go Down, and Carry into
Annapolis all the Men they Can Finde, and Order the women to follow
with their Children Carrying with them what Provissions they Can,
For the mens Subsistance til they are all ready for Sailing."
Winslow supplemented Lieutenant Peabody's orders by instructing him
"to Supply your Self, Party and Prisoners with Provisions of Meat
Kinde at the Last Village." Peabody and his detachment would
then remain at Fort Anne to assist the commander there.
Major Handfield, then, despite his
clever fabrications during the crisis of late August, would be
compelled to stage a round up of his own, including some of his
kinsmen. But it did not happen anytime soon. Within days of
Lieutenant Peabody's arrival at Fort Anne with the delegates,
Winslow asked for the return of his detachment, and Handfield
agreed to send
them back, desiring only that "So Soon as you Can Spare the men, you
will Send me A Larger Reinforcement til the Arival of which I shall
not begin the Embarkation here." Handfield took the
opportunity to express his sincere desire "that we were both of us
Got over this most Disagreable and Troublesome part of the Service."
Evidently Handfield complained to Lieutenant-Governor Lawrence of
his predicament, for Lawrence instructed Lieutenant-Colonel Winslow
on September 23 that a
Five days later, on October 27, the
British deportation of the Acadians from Nova Scotia reached a
poignant climax: the 22 transports from Chignecto, Minas, and
Pigiguit, along with four escort ships, raised anchor at the ebbing
tide. In single file, they slowly made their way out of the
Annapolis Basin, through the Gut, and into the Grand French Bay.
Sailing with them was t
Activity at Annapolis picked up considerably during the first week of November when a detachment of 90 New Englanders from Winslow's command marched down the valley from Minas. The reinforcement, however, was not an easy one, "the way being So extreemly bad we were obliged to Lodge two Nights in the Woods," Captain Nathan Adams, one of the two company commanders, complained to Winslow on November 10. When the Yankees reached Annapolis Royal, all of the transports needed to deport the rest of the local inhabitants still had not arrived. Only a couple of Admiral Boscawen's warships lay at anchor in Annapolis Basin. At least 300 of the inhabitants on the haute rivière escaped the subsequent roundup, but Handfield's redcoats, with Yankee assistance, secured the rest of the valley's inhabitants by the first week of December. One suspects that the embarkation at Annapolis, which had begun by December 4 at the anchorage off Goat Island in the lower basin, was no more orderly than those of Winslow and Murray the previous month. And, according to complaints some of them made after three months at sea reaching their destination, many of these Acadians, until the very moment of embarkation, remained certain that they would not be treated like their militant cousins deported from the other Nova Scotia settlements. "They affirm," Governor James Glen of South Carolina recorded the following January, "that so far from being in arms against the British or openly joining the French, they never abetted them in any shape, they often run the risk of their lives because they would not, like some other of the Acadians, be compelled to assist them, they always answered they would never act against the Fidelity they owed to the King of England; and they say they can give many instances of their attachment to the Government, particularly that it was their constant custom to give notice to the Commanders of our Troops when they discovered any Party of French or any number of Boats, that our people might be on their guard and might prevent a surprise so that they had no suspicion they were to share the like fate with some others of their Countrymen till the fatal moment came when they were forced on Board, under the pain of military execution, without being (as they say) able to learn the reason of such harsh treatment. Their Houses were burnt, their cattle killed, their Hay-stacks and Barns, full of corn ... all set in flames before their faces!!!" Yet here they were, like their militant cousins at Chignecto, being forced aboard vessels hired for the purpose, treated like the cattle they were leaving behind.138a
At 5 o'clock on the morning of December 8, "with a fair wind," seven
transports, with over 1,660 Annapolis Acadians locked in their
holds, departed Goat Island under
escort of the sloop of war HMS Baltimore, Captain T. Owens
commanding. The masters of the Annapolis transports held
orders for four destinations: The 140-ton snow Two Sisters,
master T. Ingram, holding approximately 250 Acadians; t
.
During
Following the construction of the new British base at Halifax in the summer of 1749, the recently-appointed governor of Nova Scotia, Colonel Edward
And then came Lawrence's decision to send the Acadians
out of the colony. In
And there the
matter stood until the second week of September, when
Lawrence sent a long directive to Winslow, dated
September 11. The lieutenant-governor
congratulated Winslow and Murray on their successful
operations at Minas and Pigiguit. "As the
Village of Cobequid are Comprehended under your
Instructions," Lawrence reminded the New Englander,
he promised to send a force under Captain Thomas Lewis
of the rangers "to
assist in bringing in those Inhabitants which I belive
will be no easy Task." "Capt Lewis has Lately been
there," Lawrence noted, "and being perfectly well
acquainted with the Scituation of the Villages will be
the Properest Person to Conduct this Enterprise."
He expected Winslow and Murray to consult with Captain
Lewis as soon as he reached Pigiguit. Lawrence
concluded his instructions with these words: "I
donte Care how Soon the Party is Sent to Annapolis,
Provided it Donte Hinder the Cobequid Expedition for
that is most Material and Ought to be Gone about without
one moments Delay."
The Cobeguit operation was now a priority.
Lawrence did not give an exact date for Lewis's visit to Cobeguit. The Acadians there likely had learned of the September 5 roundups at Pigiguit and Minas soon after they happened. One suspects that the news hit them like a thunderbolt. They would have been aware of the roundup at Chignecto on August 10, and that something similar was going on in the Annapolis valley. If Lewis visited Cobeguit during the second week of September, he evidently found the inhabitants still at their harvest. "Eight Invalids that Came fro[m] Cobegate" in a whale boat, in fact, reached Minas by September 11. But as soon as the Acadians at Cobeguit had learned the fate of their scattered cousins, only a swift operation, such as Lawrence was urging, could have kept them in their villages.87a
Winslow's and
Murray's operation against Cobeguit was anything but
swift. Not until September 16 did Winslow get
around to consulting with Captain Murray on the Cobeguit
venture, and not until the following day did Winslow
"settle" on "The Party for Cobequid." From Minas,
Winslow would furnish a lieutenant (Charles Buckley),
two sergeants, two corporals, a drummer, and 40
privates. Except for an extra drummer, Murray
would provide the same size force (his officer would be
Lieutenant Mercer). Captain Lewis's unit,
including regulars as well as rangers, would consist of
two lieutenants, a sergeant, two corporals, and 20
privates, 117 men in all, to be commanded by Captain
Lewis--"which is as many as we Can Spare," Winslow
informed Lawrence. He proposed to embark the force
that evening on two deportation vessels that housed no
Acadian men: the 90-ton schooner Neptune, Jonathan
Davis, master; and the 90-ton sloop Dolphin,
master William Hancock. Winslow's orders to
Captain Lewis reflected the lesson learned from Frye's
disaster on the Petitcoudiac. You "are to bring
the Inhabitants of [Cobeguit] off that Place," Winslow
directed the ranger captain, "and as you are Lately Come
from his Excellency Gov. Lawrance, and Know his
Intention as to the People of that Districk I Leave you
to your own Judgement, in the Management of this affair,
and would only recomend to You not to Divide your
Party." Winslow also left to Captain Lewis's
discretion whether to leave that night or wait until the
following morning. Despite the weather turning
foul, Lewis managed to get his force aboard the
transports safely that evening, but, as he tried to
explain to Winslow the following morning, "the Shalloops
did not Come down" from Pigiguit "on the last Ebb," so
he was compelled to send "the whale boat with a Serjant
& Twelve men in order to bring them Down" before he
could be ready for his mission.
It would have
taken the Neptune much of a day to reach the
entrance to Cobeguit Bay, where Captain Lewis and his
men would have witnessed some of the highest tides on
the planet. Not until the tide began to flow could
they sail eastward through the narrowing bay to the
mouths of rivières Shubenacadie and
On the 20th, Winslow addressed a letter to George Saul, Lawrence's commissary, then at Chignecto, and used the past tense to describe the party sent "to Bring in the People" at Cobeguit. Winslow predicted that "when the Party returns from Cobequid" it would bring in "at least Two or Three Hundred People"--perhaps a figure obtained from Captain Lewis's recent visit there. Winslow reminded Saul that the Cobeguit inhabitants "will have No Friend to Supply" them at Minas, since they would have been removed from their own food supply, "nor I anything to Give them to Subsist on," Winslow added. He then requested additional supplies to be sent to him to accommodate the increase in his number of deportees.90
Saul need not
have bothered. On September 25, Winslow received
from Captain Lewis the startling news that "the
Inhabitants of Cobequid have Entierly Deserted that
Country," as the lieutenant-colonel
described it to Lieutenant-Governor Lawrence in a dispatch dated
the 29th. Captain Lewis and his force had
made this discovery on the 23rd, after which they "began
to Burn and lay waste" the villages there, which took
them two days to accomplish. Lewis's only casualty
in the expedition was New Englander Nathan Robins of
Osgood's Company, "who had the
Misfortune to be Shott Throh his Sholders by a Brother
Centry when on Post taking him to be an Enemy."
Despite the
destruction of the settlement, the expedition to
Cobeguit was a disaster for British arms. Sometime
during the middle of September, before the British could
get at them, most of the "Two or Three Hundred People," or
however many Acadians had been left at
Cobeguit, destroyed what they could not take with them;
gathered up their families, household valuables, and the food they could carry or drive
before them; and either hid in the hills above the
settlement or hurried up the overland tracks
to the North Shore ports. Tatamagouche, the
closest one, was only 40 miles away, but it would have
been nothing but a ruin by the time they reached it.
Most of the men from Tatamagouche were languishing at Chignecto, and
the port's women and children, if they were still in the
remains of their homes, would
have been in
terrible condition.
But there were other North Shore villages the Cobeguit
refugees could
turn to for help--Pugwash and Remsheg west of Tatamagouche;
and Cape
John, Pictou, and Caribou to the east--where boats could
transport them across Mer Rouge to the southern shore of
Île St.-Jean. There, from early autumn into the
following spring, they joined their many kinsmen already there.
.
The deportations from Nova Scotia continued into late autumn, but on a much smaller scale: 805 Acadians aboard six transports from Minas and Halifax, compared to the 6,397 aboard 28 transports from Chignecto, Minas, Pigiguit, and Annapolis Royal.
Among t
Meanwhile, in early November, Lawrence was
still laboring under the assumption that Lieutenant-Colonel Monckton would send extra transports to
Minas to deport the 750 Acadians still waiting there.
"I have Some fears that the Provissions put on Board
these Transportes at Chignecto may have been put to Some
other use," Lawrence wrote Lieutenant-Colonel Winslow,
still at Minas, on November 5. "If this Should be
the Case they must get what more may be wanted at
Annapolis to which Place they must be ordered to proceed
to be taken under the Convoy of the Kings Ships
appointed to Carry away those of that District."
Lawrence urged "Speedy" execution in getting these
Acadians away, but Winslow was then occupied with
destroying the Minas villages before putting the place
behind him.
On November
29, Winslow, still at Halifax, informed Osgood that the
New-English venture at Grand-Pré soon would be over.
Governor Lawrence had assured him that "Colo Monckton
will be with you before the Receipt of this and Doubless
with him the Transports" needed to ship off the
remaining Acadians. Winslow was confident that
Osgood would "make no Delay in Putting a Finishing
Stroke to the Removal of our Friends the French."
This done, Winslow was anxious that his two detachments
at Minas and Annapolis rendezvous at Fort Edward, from
whence they would join him at Halifax. Following
Lawrence's directive, Winslow ordered Osgood to "remove
the Sick by Water," along with "the King's Stores" that
could not be taken on the march from Pigiguit.
Meanwhile, Osgood prepared his men for the winter by
building chimneys "in the Mass House,"
St.-Charles-des-Mines.
A
Fait Accompli and Promotion, October 1755-May 1756
Lawrence then
recounted some recent history, much of which
he himself had observed.
John Mack Faragher provides a poignant description of the opening scene of the Acadians' Great Upheaval. "In the confusion of those final days," the historian relates, "not only did some Acadians surrender, but others found the means to escape. One woman was able to slip away from her captors and return to her village, which had yet to be torched. Her memory of the horror she saw chronicled the destruction of a a way of life. Homes plundered; household furniture and pottery smashed and strewn about the cart paths; cattle grazing in the wheat fields, pigs rooting in the gardens; oxen, still yoked to the carts that the Acadians drove to the landing, bellowing in hunger; droves of horses running madly through the wreckage. Standing before her abandoned house, she felt delirious from exhaustion and distress. The family cow came up to her, begging to be milked. She sat on her doorstep, milked it and drank, and felt refreshed. And as she sat there a Mickmaw man approached her. He pointed toward the basin. 'See the smoke rise; they will burn all here tonight.' He helped her gather a few things that remained. Come with me, he said. The Acadians are 'gone, all gone.'"146
In spite of the depth of this good woman's suffering, she was one of the lucky ones. Though Winslow's, Murray's, and Handfield's operations had been virtually bloodless, Acadians died in the roundup at Chignecto and during the brief resistance that accompanied it. But whatever the number of those deaths may have been, it was miniscule compared to the number of Acadians who perished on the deportation transports.
Soon after the 22
transports from Chignecto, Minas, and Pigiguit set sail from the
Annapolis Basin and entered the Bay of Fundy, they ran head on into
"a powerful early season nor'easter," which churned the bay for
days. "The sea turned completely white," John Mack Faragher
relates, "the air filled with foam, and huge waves and hurricane
force winds pummeled the vessels." Captain Abraham Adams
of HMS Warren, one of the escort vessels, described the gale
as "one of the Severest Storms I ever knew. I keept Company
with the [HMS] Nightingal," another escort vessel,"as far as
yet Grand Menan," a large island on the north side of the entrance
to the Bay of Fundy, "and then I brought too in hopes not to leave
the Bay, but we Sprung a leake which obliged me to Skudd out of the
Bay. I Stood at Helmm 5 Hours and all our People employed in
Pumping & Bailing to free the Vessel." The storm drove him
around to Georges Island, where he found refuge in Halifax harbor.
"I am afraid Several of the Fleet was lost in ye Gale," the captain
told Lieutenant-Colonel Winslow. The Warren remained at
Halifax for a month, undergoing repairs, and returned to Annapolis
Basin by December 1. Faragher provides a poignant
description of what it must have been like for the Acadians enduring
these first dreadful hours of exile: "The less seaworthy
transports were not so lucky, and scattered before the winds.
From their dark prisons below deck, men, women, and children cried
out in terror, but they could not be heard over the roar of the
tempest." Miraculously, most of the transports and the other
escorts also survived the dreadful storm. However, the
schooner Boscawen, with 190 Acadians aboard, and the ship
Union, carrying 392 Acadians, both bound for Pennsylvania, "were
never heard from again"--582 exiles from Chignecto, a third of the
Acadians sent from that settlement, lost at sea. The snow
Two Sisters, with approximately 250 Annapolis Acadians aboard,
bound for Connecticut, also may have been lost in the storm.
On November 5, after
battling the storm for over a week, six of the deportation
transports, four filled with Acadians from Pigiguit and two from
Minas, took refuge in Boston harbor. None of their masters
had letters for the governor of Massachusetts, but each of the
vessels was in serious need of repair and replenishment. This
did not prevent the Massachusetts Assembly from demanding a report
from the harbor authorities to a committee of the Assembly on the
condition of the "French Neutrals." What authorities reported
could only have sickened the good Puritans. "'The vessels in
general are too much crowded,' read the report. The exiles on
one transport"--the sloop Dolphin, from Pigiguit heading to
Maryland--"were described as 'sickly occasioned by being too much
crowded, (with) 40 lying on deck,' on another--the sloop Ranger,
from Pigiguit on its way to Maryland--as 'sickly and their water
very bad.'" Acadians aboard the
The Boston authorities
acted quickly. On November 7, they declared that conditions
aboard most of the vessels was intolerable and recommended that 134
passengers be removed from their respective vessels and allowed to
disembark at the city docks. This would allow each vessel to
proceed to its intended destination with the required complement of
two passengers per ton. As long as it did not break up anymore
families, the Acadians could only have applauded the disembarkation
scheme. "The ships' captains," however--Zebediah Forman of the
Dolphin, Francis Piercy of the Ranger, William Ford of
the Neptune, James Purrington of the Sarah and Molly,
John Stone of the Endeavor, and Thomas Carlile of the
Three Friends--"loudly protested any reduction in number, for
their contract specified payment on the basis of the number of
persons delivered at their ports of destination," John Mack
Faragher relates. They sought out Benjamin Green, a member of
Lawrence's Nova Scotia Council who was in Boston on government
business, "and convinced him to agree that the province would pay
for all the inhabitants counted at Boston," not their ultimate
destinations, "which cleared the way for the embarkation" of the
recommended number of Acadians. These first arrivals in
Massachusetts, soon to be jointed by hundreds of their fellow
Acadians, were housed temporarily in the city's poorhouse before the
Assembly decided which Bay Colony communities would receive them.
Once the excessive number
of deportees were removed from their holds, repairs were made, and
food and water replenished at government expense, the six transports
were allowed to go on their way. Each of them survived the
final leg of their arduous journey. One reached Hampton
Roads, Virginia, on the 13th, followed by two more on the 30th; one reached Philadelphia
on the 21st; and two dropped anchor at Annapolis, Maryland, on the
last day of the month.
Virginia
Officials in the other British seaboard colonies were not so
accommodating to Lawrence's deportation scheme. Lieutenant-Governor
Robert Dinwiddie of Virginia was especially chagrined to find so
many dangerous "French Neutrals" suddenly at his doorstep.
Lawrence's original order of August 11 called for 1,000 of the
estimated 2,000 Acadians at Minas and Pigiguit to be sent to
Virginia, Britain's oldest, largest, and most populated colony in
North America. When the debarkations at Minas and Pigiguit
were completed two months later, 831 Minas exiles, in five
transports, were destined for Virginia. One transport from
Pigiguit would carry 206 more Acadians to that colony--1,037
inhabitants from the heart of Nova Scotia. On December
20, the final transport removing the last of the inhabitants from
the Minas Basin headed down to Virginia with 112 more deportees,
making at total of 1,149 Acadians placed aboard seven transports
heading to the Old Dominion.
Only South Carolina, with 1,167 deportees from Chignecto and
Annapolis Royal, was the destination of more Acadian exiles in 1755.
Virginia was an especially troubled place during the autumn of 1755.
Two summers before, in early July 1754, the French and Indians had
meted out death and humiliation to Virginia forces in western
Pennsylvania. Braddock's defeat on the Monongahela almost
exactly a year later had brought death to even more Virginia
volunteers, who had followed the young Washington back to
Pennsylvania to avenge the defeat at Great Meadows the summer
before.
And suddenly here they
were, hundreds of
"French Neutrals," Roman Catholics every one. The
first to arrive were 359 exiles aboard the sloops Industry
and Mary, escorted by HMS Halifax. They sailed
into Hampton Roads on November 13, the first of
Lawrence's deportation transports to reach their
destination. Evidently the two vessels had endured
the late October gale with relatively little damage.
That same day, at the colonial capital at Williamsburg,
Governor Dinwiddie was handed Lawrence's circular
letter, which he promptly read to his Council. On
November 17, in a letter to Secretary of State Sir
Thomas Robinson, Dinwiddie complained in a postscript:
"'Sir: Since writing the above I have, last Night,
an Express from Hampton, to acquaint me of the arrival
of two sloops and four more daily expected, with
Neutrals from Nova Scotia. It is very disagreeable
to the People to have imported, to rest among us, a
number of French people, when many of [the same nation] joined with Indians and are now
murdering and scalping our frontier Settlers.'" Not even
Lawrence and the members of his colonial Council could
have associated these simple farmers with the Canadian
and French cutthroats out on the frontier as
enthusiastically as this irate Scotsman. "'I shall
call and consult the Council what is to be done with
them,'" Dinwiddie reassured the secretary.
One wonders how Dinwiddie and his Council would have reacted to the
news that Robinson and the Lords of Trade had never authorized
Lawrence to deport these "French Neutrals," much less send hundreds
of them to Virginia.
No matter, Dinwiddie had to address this fait accompli with
all of its political and military complications. His
councilors, who included John Blair, Philip Grymes, Philip Ludwell,
William Byrd the younger, Thomas Nelson, Peyton Randolph, and the
unnamed
Two days later, a special
Council meeting was held to receive Ludwell's and the commissary's
report. (Thomas Nelson and Peyton Randolph were now in
attendance.) Ludwell made his report, stating that he and "Mr.
Commissary" had boarded the "four sloops and one schooner and
inquired particularly into the number and circumstances of the
Neutral French, and on account whereof he presented at the Board;
with a Paper signed by the said French importing their submission
and adherence to His Majesty and promising fidelity to him."
These were Acadians from Minas and Pigiguit, some of whom, like
Claude Pitre and Honoré LeBlanc, had been friends of
the British back in Nova Scotia. Many more of them had clung
to neutrality and still had a mind to do so. But four months
earlier Lawrence had imprisoned their delegates for refusing to take
the unqualified oath, and they had been told by Winslow and Murray
that exile from their homeland would be a result of that refusal.
And here they were, on crowded, fetid deportation transports, far
from their ancestral homes. Considering the circumstances in
which they had been placed and the condition of themselves and their
loved ones, who could have blamed them for meekly submitting, which
would have marked the end of their neutrality? But, in spite
of what the Council's record implies, the Acadians even now refused
to take the oath. A year later, in explaining to the Lords at
Whitehall why he had sent the Acadians to England,
Here were accusations of
a general sort to deepen the prejudice that already existed against
anything French or Catholic, but then the Acadians themselves were
accused of an act of folly unforgivable in the eyes of most
Virginians. Rumors came in from the western country that the
Shawnee, a tribe then allied with the French, "took three French Men
in your way to Fort Du Quesne. They prove to be Neutrals y't
they were sent to So. Caro." Here, perhaps, was evidence that
relatives of the French Neutrals being held in the colony were
stirring up hostiles along the Virginia frontier. Much closer
to home, and even more troubling, was a report from Hampton that
probably sealed the fate of the Acadians in Virginia. "Those
sent here," Governor Dinwiddie wrote to one of his provincial
officers, "behave ill and have had frequent Cabals with our
Negroes." Virginia, like most of Britain's seaboard colonies,
had sanctioned chattel slavery the century before. At first, the
planters had enslaved the local Indians to work their fields of
tobacco. When Native numbers dwindled from disease and
warfare, the planters, with the approbation of the royal governors
and the colony's House of Burgesses, imported more Africans, at
first by the hundreds and then by the thousands, to provide labor
for their burgeoning tobacco plantations. Agricultural slavery,
and its attendant fears, had never taken hold in French Acadia or British Nova Scotia.
Most Acadian families were so large and healthy, their communities
so tight-knit, there was no shortage of labor in their
fields and pastures. Moreover, the Mi'kmaq were too
numerous and powerful to have allowed Europeans to enslave them; and
only a few well-to-do merchants, nearly all of them British, living at Annapolis Royal, could have afforded prestige domestics
to wait on them and their families. For most of the Acadians
from the deportation transports, the bondsmen in the
Virginia communities would have been the first African slaves they
encountered. And who
"In the spring of 1756,"
The legislative process
of removal began in early April. A committee was formed,
chaired by Charles Carter, to fashion a bill "to enable certain
Persons to contract for the Transportation of the Neutral French to
Great Britain." By the middle of the month, Governor Dinwiddie could
report that
South Carolina
Two other southern
seaboard colonies also attempted to send their exiles away, though neither of
them followed the Virginia model. On November 15, two days
after the first shipment of exiles reached the Old Dominion, HMS Syren,
Captain Charles Proby, arrived in Charles Town harbor, South
Carolina. Aboard were 21 "special prisoners," all in shackles,
including 56-year-old Alexandre Broussard dit
Beausoleil and his 27-year-old son Victor. Captain Proby informed colonial
officials that he was escort for six transports scattered by a
storm, four of them intended for South Carolina and expected to
arrive momentarily. During the next few days, the four transports "dropped anchor in Rebellion Road
just outside the harbor." The Two Brothers, which had
left Chignecto with 132 Acadians, arrived with 123 aboard. The
Dolphin had left Chignecto with 121 Acadians and, miraculously,
reached Charles Town with the same number. The Endeavour
departed Chignecto with 125 Acadians and reached Charles
Town with
121. The Edward Cornwallis, a 130-ton ship, had been
packed with 417 Acadians, 157 over Lawrence's limit. The
extreme discomfort below decks from the terrible overcrowding was
compounded by an epidemic of smallpox that broke out during the
voyage; only 207 Acadians reached Charles Town aboard the vessel,
less than half the number of passengers its master
had taken aboard at Chignecto the month before. Here were 593
newly-arrived "French Neutrals," some of them newly born,
that the Palmetto colony was expected to house and feed.
Their arrival was not
completely unexpected. On November 9, the South Carolina
Gazette had reported "shiploads of these people" being
distributed among the seaboard colonies. The Gazette
also reported the armed snow HMS Baltimore (actually a
sloop of war) was expected to arrive "with a party of them, but not
appeared." But here was the sloop of war Syren with
four "parties" in tow: on the morning of November
17, word reached the colonial Council chamber in Charles Town of the
transports' appearance outside of the harbor. Royal Governor
James Glen was informed of the ships' arrival, and he hurried to the
capitol, where six of his councilmen had gathered. Later that
morning, "the sergeant-at-arms announced that two ship's captains
awaited an audience" with the governor and the Council.
Masters James Best of the Two Brothers and Andrew Sinclair of
the Edward Cornwallis were ushered in (Masters Hancock of the
Dolphin and Nichols of the Endeavour had arrived with
their ships but did not join their fellows at the capitol).
Best, serving as spokesman, handed the governor a copy of Lawrence's
circular. The letter was addressed to William Lyttleton, "who
was to succeed Glen, but who had not yet arrived in the province."
Another governor now was informed that the so-called "French
Neutrals"
Milling offers this
analysis of Governor Glen's dilemma: "As Frenchmen the
Acadians had refused to take an unqualified oath of allegiance to
the British Government. Nevertheless, they were British
subjects, the majority of whom, if indeed not all of them, had been
born under the British flag. Since they were British subjects
they could hardly be sent, against their will, to foreign territory.
Because they were French they were suspected of being in sympathy
with the French cause in the undeclared war going on between the two
powers in America, yet the stubborn fact remained that they were
entitled to the protection of the British Government. As professed
Catholics they could not under the law be given citizenship in South
Carolina, whose charter, although expressively providing for liberty
of conscience, excepted 'Papists.'" Meanwhile, on the streets
and in the homes of the colonial capital, Carolinians, nearly all of
them Protestants of one denomination or another, shook their heads
and wondered what could be done with so many French Catholics thrust
upon them.
Governor Glen wasted no
time in confronting the dilemma. He requested that "two 'of
the most sensible and discreet men' from each of the four vessels"
appear before him and his councilors. On November 25,
"eight or ten" Acadian leaders appeared in the Council chamber and
promptly made a case for mistreatment at the hands of Governor
Lawrence and Lieutenant-Colonel Monckton, and presented three
documents to the colonial leaders. The Acadians, Milling
reminds us, "regarded" one of them "as the very charter of the
desecrated liberties." This was a copy of Ensign Robert
Wroth's report to Lieutenant-Colonel Lawrence Armstrong, then
lieutenant-governor of British Nova Scotia, submitted to Armstrong
and the colonial Council in November 1727. Here was proof that
the Acadians, since that time known as "French Neutrals," had taken
a qualified oath of allegiance that not only acknowledged
them as subjects of King George II, but also guaranteed to them the
free exercise of their religion and exempted them from fighting in
any future colonial wars. The other documents also attested to
the Acadians' staunch neutrality and the price they paid for
clinging to it. "One was a written order signed by the French
commander, de Ramesay, dated at Beaubassin, May 25, 1747, ordering
them to fight for him on pain of death. The other ... was a
copy of the terms of capitulation of the fort [Beauséjour] which
contained the following clause: 'As to the Acadians, as they
have been forced to take up arms under pain of death, they shall be
forgiven for the part they have been taking.'"
"Clearly the will of the
Acadians was far from being broken," John Mack Faragher reminds us.
This governor, like his colleague, Dinwiddie of Virginia, soon would
learn that he was dealing not with a bunch of peasants unaware of
their rights but with men who were certain of where they stood in a
world that was treating them so shabbily. In the end, Governor
Glen would evince true sympathy towards the plight of the exiles, but,
unfortunately for the governor, and especially the exiles,
But Governor Glen would
have none of it. "'It would be cruelty to keep these people on
aboard the vessels till they perish,'" he chided the Assembly.
In early December, perhaps after employing, as a gesture of
compromise, the transshipment of 120 exiles to Georgia aboard HMS
Syren, the governor persuaded the Assemblymen to approve the
disembarkation of the remaining exiles. "In spite of the
committee's unfavorable report," Milling tells us, the Assembly
voted to allow the Acadians to "be received on shore, subject to the
following conditions: 1. They were to be quarantined on
Sullivan's Island," near Rebellion Roads, "for five days, 'that they
might purify and cleanse themselves' before they be permitted to
come to Charles Town. 2. Those of 'turbulent and seditious
disposition' were to be confined at the workhouse. 3. They
were to be lodged temporarily under guard in or near Charles Town.
Able-bodied men were to be put to work on the fortifications.
All Acadians must be in at sunset. The men were to be
quartered in barracks, under military guard. A sum not
exceeding ten shillings per week was voted for the maintenance of
each person. 4. It was suggested that as soon as possible they
be separated into [small] groups and the individuals indented,
either voluntarily or against their will, to such persons as would
take them." The Assembly agreed that the men working on the
fortifications should be paid, "but the proceeds of their hire
should go toward the maintenance of the whole body." The
provision for indenturing individuals required an act of the
Assembly, which was not forthcoming until the following July.
The governor, meanwhile,
required the ship's captains, before they could receive their
certificates of completion, as stipulated by Lawrence's
instructions, to "prepare lists of their
passengers, naming the heads of families" and giving the numbers of
dependents. Master Best of the Two Brothers completed
the assignment only cursorily, giving no names, only numbers.
Masters
Hancock of the Dolphin, Sinclair of the Cornwallis,
and Nichols of the Endeavour, however, complied with the
governor's wishes and furnished the required details, which the
governor then placed into the colonial records. Lawrence's
instructions of August 11, or any of the modifications that
followed, did not require the transport masters to create passenger
lists for their voyages, nor did any of the other receiving
governors create such rolls, so the three detailed lists written at
Charles Town are unique.
The Dolphin's 121
passengers included Peter Gold, that is, Pierre Doiron, his
wife, and three children; Joseph Purye or Poirier, his wife
and two children; John or Jean Poirier, his wife and two children; a
second Joseph Poirier, his wife and one child; a third
Joseph Poirier, his wife and three children; Franceway or
François Poirier, his wife and one child; Peter or Pierre
Poirier, his wife and seven children; Paul Poirier,
his wife and four children; a second Jean Poirier,
his wife and no children; Balone Duset, Bénoni Doucet,
his wife and three children; Mich'l Durna or Bernard, his wife and three children; John or Jean Bernard,
his wife and one child; Paul Duran or Doiron, his wife and three
children; another Paul Doiron, his wife and three
children; Joseph Doiron, his wife and child; Peter Busher,
Pierre Boucher, his wife and child; a second Paul
Poirier, his wife and four children; Joseph Duram or Doiron, his wife and six children; Jolour Lundrie, Jolour Landry, his wife and three children; Joseph Abar, Joseph Hébert, his wife and three children; Claude
Hébert, his wife and a child; a third Jean Poirier, his
wife and no children; Jean Duron or Doiron, his wife and six
children; Peter Tebuthu, Pierre Thibodeau, his wife
and no children; a second Pierre Poirier, evidently a
bachelor; Charles Brown, Charles Brun, his wife and two
children; a fourth Joseph Poirier, his wife and child; and
Andrew Leblang, André LeBlanc, his wife and two
children.
The Edward Cornwallis's
207 survivors included John Multon, that is, Jean Mouton,
his wife and 10 children, some of them perhaps nieces and nephews;
John Lewis, or Jean Louis, his wife and child; Joseph Kessey
or Quessy, his wife and five children; Peter Dermer, perhaps
Pierre Demers, his wife and eight children; Joseph Grangie or
Granger, his wife and eight children; Joroton Lavoia or
Lavoie, his wife and six children; Francis Purye or Poirier,
his wife and 10 children; Mich'l Wair, perhaps Mayer or
Douaire, his wife and seven children; John Day, Jean
Daigle or Daigre, his wife and four children; Paul Lavoy
or Lavoie, his wife and three children; Jarman Carry or
Germain Carrier, likely Carret, his wife and two children;
Marran Liblang, likely Marin LeBlanc, his wife and five
children; Alex'r See Curmie, Alexandre Cormier, his
wife and seven children; Joseph Curmie or Cormier, his wife
and seven children; Alexandre See Casie, Alexandre
Caissie, his wife and six children; Charles Burvoie or
Belliveau, his wife and eight children; Jarman Furrie or
Fournier, his wife and five children; Abrance Skison, Abraham Chiasson, his wife and five children; John Dupio,
Jean Dupuis, his wife and two children; John Furrie,
Jean Fournier, his wife and 10 children; John
Carrie, Jean Carrier, likely Carret, his wife and
eight children; Tako Bonvie, probably Jacques dit Jacquot
Bonnevie, his wife and four children; Alex'r See or Cyr,
his wife and 10 children; Peter Lambeer, Pierre Lambert,
his wife and seven children; and Charles Duzie or Doucet, his
wife and nine children.
The Endeavour's 121 passengers included Line Ougan, that is, Louis Hugon, his wife and three children; Peter Ougan, Pierre Hugon, his wife and four children; James Ougan, Jacques Hugon, his wife and two children; a second Pierre Hugon, his wife and child; John Corme, Jean Cormier, his wife and child; Mich'l Corme, Michel Cormier, his wife and child; John Multon, Jean Mouton, his wife and three children; John Jenvo, Jean Jeanveau or Juneau, his wife and no children; Glod Toudeau, Claude Trudeau, his wife and three children; Paul Morton or Martin, his wife and five children; Innes Woirt or Ouelette, his wife and four children; Jeremiah Duset, Jérémie Doucet, his wife and five children; Joseph Care or Carrier, probably Carret, his wife and four children; Charles Benn, perhaps Aubin, his wife and two children; John Dupe, Jean Dupuis, his wife and eight children; Francis Lopeore, François Lapierre, his wife and three children; Francis Lablong, François LeBlanc, his wife and no children; Joseph Lablong, LeBlanc, his wife and two children; Simon Leblong, LeBlanc, his wife and two children. Also aboard the Endeavour were 20 men without wives or children, perhaps part of the contingent of married men from Fort Cumberland whose families evidently had had fled the Chignecto area and whom Monckton had loaded aboard the transport in September, or widowers, or bachelors. They included Charles Furne or Fournier; Peter Morton, Pierre Martin; John Blonchin, perhaps Jean Blanchet; Mish'l Depe, Michel Dupuis; Joseph Léger; Alexander Commo, Alexandre Comeau; John Balleo, Jean Belliveau; Joseph Peters or Pitre; Michael or Michel Haché; Peter or Pierre Haché; Peter Curme, Pierre Cormier; Francis Duset, François Doucet; John Curme, Jean Cormier; Peter or Pierre Robert; Peter Oben, Pierre Aubin; Michael Lapeire, Michel Lapierre; Michael Pore, Michel Poirier; John Crenon, Jean Grenon; John Shesong, Jean Chiasson; and Peter Burswoy, Pierre Bourgeois. ...183
Georgia
North Carolina
Acadian armed resistance against the British began, or, more properly, resumed before the first deportation transports left the Bay of Fundy. From the beginning of this new war with Britain, as it had been during the previous one, the center of Acadian resistance was the trois-rivières region west of Chignecto. ...271
.
Acadian resistance took
other forms as well. One of the deportation ships that left Nova Scotia
during the late autumn of 1755 failed to reach its destination
not because of a violent storm but because of the heroism of its
passengers. The snow Pembroke,
carrying 232 Annapolis Acadians--33 men, 37 women, 70 boys, and 92
girls--was the first of the deportation vessels destined for North
Carolina. Among the seven transports that left the
Annapolis Basin on December 8, the Pembroke, soon after it
sailed through the Gut, was separated from its naval escort by a heavy wind.
This circumstance, combined with the master's decision to allow six passengers at
a time on deck "for a few minutes of fresh air," made the
139-ton snow suddenly vulnerable. Fifty-eight-year-old Charles Belliveau of Annapolis
Royal, who, ironically, had fashioned a new mast for this very ship
after it had limped into the basin a few weeks earlier, saw an
opportunity. He chose six of the hardiest men and sent them
topside to enjoy the fresh air. After their time on deck
had elapsed and the guard opened the hatch to escort them below,
Belliveau and his fellow Acadians, armed with only their fists,
burst from the hold, overwhelmed the ship's crew, and
in only minutes the vessel was theirs! Belliveau was a pilot as well as
a ship's carpenter, so he and his compatriots were able to sail the Pembroke
into Baie Ste.-Marie, at northwest end of the peninsula. An
exchange during the passage
between the ship's master and Belliveau, as recorded by
historian John Mack Faragher, has become "the stuff of Acadian legend." "The
wind was strong," Faragher relates, "the sails filled, and the
mainmast groaned. 'Stop! You are going to break it,' cried the
captain. 'I made this mast, Belliveau shouted back,
'and I know it will not break!'" For a month, into the frigid
days of early January, Belliveau and his fellow exiles hid aboard the Pembroke in the isolated
coastal bay. Not wishing to press their luck, they sailed out
of the bay and across the Bay of Fundy, reaching the mouth of Rivière St.-Jean
on January 8.
The British, by then, had been searching for them and had guessed
that they would attempt to join their fellow Acadians on Rivière
St.-Jean. A small naval force attacked the Pembroke as
it lay in the lower river. Belliveau and his fellow passengers,
always on the alert, burned the vessel,
.
On the night of 26 February 1756, 80 Acadians, led by resistance leader Pierre Surette II of Petitcoudiac, tunneled their way out of Fort Cumberland, formerly Beauséjour, and escaped into the countryside. ...186
.
The Mi'kmaq and Maliseet, encouraged by Abbé Pierre Maillard from his mission in the interior of Île Royale, also continued their resistance against the British. The petit guerre that Abbé Le Loutre had fomented six years earlier was now, for the Natives, war against their red-coated enemy on a grander scale. ...339
While the British were gathering up the Acadians in Nova Scotia during the fall of 1755, Marguerite Mius d'Azy of Port La-Joye, Île St.-Jean, and her new husband, Jean Delâge dit Langlois, left the island for Québec, where Marguerite died in early October 1755, age 36--perhaps the first Acadian to die in Canada during Le Grand Dérangement. In the following years, many more Acadians followed Marguerite and her husband to the St. Lawerence valley, and many more would die there.
Early in their exile, Acadian refugees from Chignecto,
the trois-rivières, and the Annapolis valley chose to
put a substantial distance between themselves and their
British tormentors. During late summer of 1755, as soon a
By the
During the first week of August 1756, as the Annapolis
valley refugees began their trek up the St.-Jean portage, 49
families at Miramichi fled the scarcity of food there.
Some crossed Mer Rouge to Île St.-Jean, but others
headed north to Québec. Sometime that year, New-French
authorities changed their policy and allowed Acadians
from dangerously-overcrowded
The French Maritimes, the Fall of Louisbourg, and the Deportation of the Maritimes Acadians, 1754-1759
In early 1752, three years before the Acadian Grand
Dérangement,
the governor of Île Royale, Jean-Louis, comte de
Raymond, sent Joseph, sieur de La Roque,
a young engineer, to survey the colony's physical assets
as well as its population.
The result was a model of its kind. The young
sieur's census included
T
From the beginning, Governor Lawrence and his colleague, Governor Shirley of Massachusetts, had envisioned a Nova Scotia free of "French Neutrals" and filled with Anglo Protestants. ...147
.
During the early 1760s, at the prisoner-of-war compounds at forts Cumberland and Edward, at Annapolis Royal and Halifax, and at Chédaboutou up the Atlantic coast, the resistance fighters and their families were joined by hundreds of other Acadian refugees the British had rounded up in the region. Many of these prisoners were kin to one another by blood or marriage, which to the Acadian way of thinking formed a great extended family. They included families named Arseneau, Babineau, Bergeron, Bernard, Boudrot, Bourg, Bourgeois, Breau, Broussard, Brun, Caissie dit Roger, Comeaux, Cormier, Darois, Doucet, Dugas, Gautrot, Girouard, Godin, Guénard, Guidry, Guilbeau, Hébert, Hugon, Landry, LeBlanc, Léger, Martin, Michel, Pellerin, Pitre, Poirier, Prejean, Richard, Robichaux, Roy, Saulnier, Savoie, Semer, Surette, Thibodeau, Trahan, and Vincent. Most of these captured Acadians, especially the resistance fighters and their families, were held in close confinement, but some were granted permission to leave the compounds to help fulfill a decades-old dream of their British overlords. The result was one of the strangest ironies of the Acadian experience. ...
In the spring 1760, during the last year of his life, one of Governor Charles Lawrence's most cherished schemes, inherited from Governor William Shirley of Massachusetts, came to fruition at Chignecto, Minas, and in the Annapolis valley: New-English "planters" began to occupy the Acadian lands in the vicinity of these settlements. According to Andrew Hill Clark, if these New Englanders hoped to find their agricultural paradise in Nova Scotia, they would have been sorely disappointed. "The expansion of Acadian agriculture was confined chiefly to the marshland areas," he reminds us. "Repeatedly their governors [had] urged them [the Acadians] to clear and farm the wooded areas, but with little effect. The great fertility of their dyked fields gave Acadian soils a reputation for richness which they were far from deserving and which led to continual disappointment as the post-Acadian colonists cleared the forests and made their farms," as they had done in New England. "Even had they made full use of the Acadian dyked lands, as they did not, those lands would have accommodated only a fraction of Nova Scotia's immigrants of the late-eighteenth and nineteenth centuries."11
Nevertheless, succumbing to
the reputation of Nova Scotia's richness,
But this was not to be.
The hated
Lawrence died suddenly in October 1760, and his
Amid the rumors of French resurgence, the war finally ended with the Treaty of Paris of February 1763. Article IV of the treaty gave all persons dispersed by the conflict 18 months to return to their respective territories. In the case of the Acadians, this meant they could return only to French soil. The Acadian settlements in peninsula Nova Scotia had not been French territory for half a century; and the western half of the Chignecto isthmus, the trois-rivières, and the former French Maritimes islands now were part of British Nova Scotia as well. Colonial authorities refused, of course, to allow any of the Acadian prisoners to return to their farmsteads, now either occupied or intended for New-English "planters." If Acadians chose to remain in, or return to, Nova Scotia, they could live only in small family groups in previously unsettled areas, away from their fertile lands along the Bay of Fundy, or they could continue to work as wage laborers on their former lands, but not as proprietors. If they stayed, they must also take the hated oath of allegiance, without reservation, to the new British king, George III. ...01d
Acadian Exiles in the Caribbean Basin, the South Atlantic, and South America, 1764-1800s
Acadian Exiles in the Atlantic Colonies and the Eastern United States, 1763-1800s
Acadian Exiles in British Canada, 1763-1800s
Fate of the Mi'kmaq and Wolastoqiyik (Maliseet) in Post-Dispersal Acadia, 1763-1800s
Acadian Exiles in England and France, 1756-1785
L'Ambition, the French vessel that transported repatriated Acadians from Bristol, England, to St.-Malo, France, in the spring of 1763, was a corvette. ...13
.
Many of the hundreds of Acadians
from the St.-Malo area who chose to go to Poitou
in 1773 did not care for the venture from the start. One of them, Jean-Jacques
LeBlanc of Grand-Pré, who had come to France via Virginia and England in
May 1763, proved to be an especially sharp thorn in the
sides of the settlement's promoters. Back in March
1772, Jean-Jacques, "one of the Acadian representatives
of the Saint-Malo department," had submitted a petition
to the French government to pay for the emigration of
Acadian families to Spanish Louisiana. Like an
earlier entreaty by other Acadians in 1766,
Jean-Jacques's petition also was rejected. Perhaps
responding to Acadian frustrations, a council meeting of
the king's ministers that summer sparked the idea of
settling the exiles" on land belonging to Louis-Nicolas,
marquis de Pérusse des Cars, near Châtellerault in the
Poitou region. The marquis invited
Acadian leaders at St.-Malo, including Augustin dit Justice Doucet,
to inspect his lands near Châtellerault and then to coax
his fellow Acadians to join the venture. Justice reported favorably on what he saw.
Depite
his dit, Doucet likely had been paid to exaggerate the quality of the soil on
the marquis's estate. Jean-Jacques LeBlanc and his family
"were among the St.-Malo Acadians who grudgingly went to
Poitou, but he did not give up on the idea of going to
Louisiana: ... from this date more or less"--March
1772--Jean-Jacques "constantly argued in favor of an
emigration to Louisiana, an option that for him seemed
as being the most politically acceptable for the
government and thus the most likely to succeed."
In November 1774, the smooth-talking LeBlanc managed to slip away from his Poitou farm and meet with Anne-Robert-Jacques Turgot,
King Louis XVI's new controller general, at Versailles.
One suspects that LeBlanc discussed not
only Acadian emigration, but also the problems plaguing his countrymen
back in
Poitou. Turgot had opposed the Poitou venture from
the start, so he doubtlessly welcomed the Acadian's
criticism. Back in Poitou, LeBlanc,
assisted by an agent of the comptroller general named
Dubuisson, led a successful campaign to turn his fellow
Acadians against their noble benefactor, the Marquis de
Pérusse, and abandon the colony for the port city of
Nantes, where it would be more likely that the Acadians
could quit the kingdom. Beginning in late October
1775, most of the Acadians in Poitou retreated to
Nantes. Jean-Jacques, Nathalie, and their children
took the fourth and final convoy out of Châtellerault
during the first week of March 1776.
His "victory" in Poitou
must have motivated him to try even
harder to gain approval to take his family to the
Spanish colony. His name appears on another
petition for emigration to the colony in 1777, but this
petition also was rejected. After Jean-Jacques
died near Nantes in November 1781, "the Louisiana
destination gathered even less support among the Acadians than in his
lifetime, as he had been the main promoter of this emigration."
But the idea did not die with the silver-tongued
Acadian. Soon after Jean-Jacques's death, Frenchman Henri-Marie Peyroux de la Coudrenière,
former apothecary in Nantes and erstwhile
resident of French Louisiana, recruited Acadian Olivier Terrio, a
shoemaker living in Nantes, to take up the cause with
him. By the summer of 1785, the scheming
apothecary and the affable cobbler had succeeded in
coaxing over 1,500 of Terrio's fellow Acadians--70 percent of the
exiles in France--into going to Spanish Louisiana. Among them were Nathalie Pitre, Jean-Jacques
LeBlanc's widow, and two of his teenage children. ...
.
And so, after
a quarter of a century of living in a mother country
that seemed to care little for its wayward children,
nearly 1,600 Acadian exiles in France prepared to go to
Spanish Louisiana to begin a new life for themselves.
They knew that Louisiana had long been a colony of
France but now was a part of the Spanish realm.
They knew from letters they received from
relations there that most Louisianans, not just their fellow Acadians,
still spoke French and likely still considered
themselves to be "French." Just
as importantly, Roman Catholicism was still the official
religion of Louisiana, perhaps even more so under the
Spanish regime, so there would be priests aplenty to
minister to their spiritual needs. But they had
many questions about going to such an exotic place,
descriptions of which were not always flattering.
There was slavery there, and tropical diseases (some
remembered all too well the disaster in French Guiane a
generation earlier). They wondered h
.
Nearly 1,600 of the Acadians in France--70 percent of the refugees there--sailed aboard the Seven Ships for Spanish Louisiana, but hundreds of them chose to remain. ...252
The Acadian Diaspora by the early 1800s
This was the newly-made world the Acadians inhabited at the end of their Grand Dérangement. ...
BOOK ONE: French Acadia
BOOK TWO: British Nova Scotia
BOOK THREE: Families, Migration, and the Acadian "Begats"
BOOK FOUR: The French Maritimes
BOOK SIX: The Acadian Immigrants of Louisiana
BOOK SEVEN: French Louisiana
BOOK EIGHT: A New Acadia
BOOK NINE:
SOURCE NOTES - BOOK FIVE
01.
01a.
Faragher,
For a solid survey of these disparate "cultures" in the Acadian disapora, see Perrin et al.
01d. See Jehn, Acadian Exiles in the Colonies, 269-70.
03.
Quotations from
04.
Quotations from Griffiths, From Migrant to Acadian,
455-56
06.
Quotations from
Anderson says the Acadians viewed the proffered oath as "an oath of submission that would revoke their religious privileges and make them ordinary subjects of the British Crown. Thinking that this was just one more attempt to deprive them of their treaty rights by trickery--a tactic the English had tried before--the Acadians refused."
Marshall says the delegates were "placed in irons and taken to one of two prison sheds on Georges Island, 'a place of most security.'" This implies that the island was being used as a colonial prison for some time. LeBlanc, R.-G., 5, says the island had been used as a prison compound & adds, on 6, "It remains to be established where it [the site of the Acadian delegates' incarceration] was in the storehouse built during the summer of 1749."
08.
Quotations from Griffiths, From Migrant to Acadian,
457. See also
09. Quotations from Griffiths, From Migrant to Acadian, 457-58. Italics added.
10.
Quotation from Griffiths, From Migrant to Acadian,
458; Marshall, Acadian Resistance, 126. See
also
Marshall, 125, says Boscawen's ships
appeared at Halifax
11.
Quotations from Clark,
Erskine says
Beaubassin was "the first settlement to be expelled and
destroyed, and was the first to be reinhabited by the
English," but he gives no date. He then offers a brief
description of the few archaeological remains at Chignecto,
including botanical evidence of Acadian settlement there.
Hodson, 174, states, erroneously, that Jean-Jacques LeBlanc was deported to France from Île St.-Jean in 1758. It is true that Jean-Jacques's parents, Jacques dit Petit Jacques LeBlanc & Cécile Dupuis of Minas, & 6 of Jean-Jacques's younger siblings, were counted at Rivière-de-Peugiguit in the interior of the island in August 1752, having gone there 4 years earlier. See De La Roque. Jean-Jacques, however, only recently married, was still at Minas with first wife Ursule Aucoin & their infant son Crespin; she was, in fact, pregnant for their second child Claire, born at Minas in c1753. The British deported them to VA in the fall of 1755, sent them on to England in the spring of 1756, and they were repatriated to France in May 1763 aboard L'Ambition. See Robichaux; Books Three & Six; LeBlanc family page.
According to his biographer, Peyroux "Migrated to Louisiana [in] 1783," which means his time there had been brief. See Ekberg, 647.
The 70% is from Hodson, 195.
13. See White, DGFA-1 English, 172.
15.
Quotation from
16.
Quotations from
17.
Quotations from
21. Quotations from
22. Quotation from Griffiths, From Migrant to Acadian, 459-60. See also Akins, ed., Papers Relating to the Forcible Removal of the Acadian French from Nova Scotia, 269; "Winslow's Journal 1," 231.
Lawrence did not receive "official" word of Braddock's defeat &
death until Aug 7, via a ship from New York, nearly a month after
the event. See
24. Quotations from
Sadly, we do not have the names of these delegates either.
26. Quotations from Griffiths, From Migrant to Acadian, 461.
Lex temporis, or, more fully, lex necessitatis est lex temporis, literally "the law of necessity & limitation," according to one definition, is a concept in law that "dispenses with things which otherwise are not lawful to be done." See Manby v. Scott (1672).
27. Quotations from
For the fate of the delegates from Minas, Pigiguit, & Annapolis
Royal held at Georges Island, see
28. Quotations from Griffiths, From Migrant to Acadian, 461-62. See also Book Two.
29. Quotations from
30. Quotation from
32.
33.
35. Quotations from
36. Quotation from
37.
38.
39. Quotations from "Winslow's
Journal 1," pp. 215
"Winslow's Journal 1," 243, copy of a letter from Winslow to
Lawrence, dated 18 Aug 1755 & addressed at Fort Edward, Pigiguit,
hints that Winslow did not know his command's final destination
until informed by Murray at Fort Edward.
Faragher, 337-38, offers insight into Winslow's famous Journal, "the single most significant document of the Acadian removal," which Winslow kept "for the edification of his descendants" during his entire time in Nova Scotia in 1755.
40. Quotations from
41. Quotations from
O
42. Quotations from
Lawrence's detailed instructions reveal that as early as Aug 11 he intended for Winslow & a part of the MA regiment to go to Grand-Pré, though Winslow himself would not learn of it until his conference with Murray at Fort Edward a week later. See note 46, below. Not until after Winslow conferred with Murray again, at Grand-Pré on Aug 29, did he inform his company commanders of their mission at Minas. See note 56, below. That Murray, a regular army captain, knew of Winslow's destination at least a week before Winslow himself knew of it, may reveal Lawrence's attitude towards provincial troops, as well as his obsession with security. Certainly Lawrence was doing his best to keep details of the deportation scheme from falling into the hands of the French & especially the Acadians, hence the limited number of officers he made aware of them, but Winslow was not only a former regular captain, he was the senior provincial officer in NS! One suspects that Monckton, a regular lieutenant colonel & Winslow's superior at Chignecto, also had known of Winslow's destination by Aug 11.
A maritime ton at that time was 100 cubic feet of capacity, so each passenger would "occupy" only 50 cubic feet of the ship's interior. According to Faragher, 361, this meant that every 2 people would share a space "four feet high, a little over four feet wide, and six feet long," a very small space indeed.
Apthorp & Hancock, owned by Charles Apthorp & son & Thomas Hancock, was the Boston firm that had provided loans to Lawrence & the NS Council during the winter of 1754-55, while Monckton was organizing the expedition to Chignecto in Boston. See Book Two.
George Saul evidently was a kinsman of Thomas Saul,
long-time supply agent, commissary, & financier at Halifax & a close
friend of Lt. Gov. Lawrence. See Hippen
43. Quotation from
44.
Faragher says that Robinson's Aug 13 letter took
longer than usual to reach Halifax, that it arrived 3 weeks after
Lawrence wrote a letter to the Lords of Trade on Oct 18. Not until
around Nov 9, then, weeks after most of the
deportation transports had sailed, did Lawrence hear from Robinson,
& he did not answer the letter until Nov 30. So by the time he
bothered to write his superiors, in Oct & Nov, Lawrence's deportation "operation was a fait accompli." See
45. Quotations from
A muster report dated Aug 14 shows 313 officers & men, including an
adjutant & a physician, from Winslow's command going to Minas.
Amazingly, Winslow's Journal includes the names of every man,
Coffin may have served in NS, likely with Winslow, perhaps as a militia officer. In a letter to "Mr. William Coffin, Junr., Merchant in Boston," dated Aug 22 & sent from "Camp at Grand Pre Mines," Winslow described Grand-Pré as "your old Ground at Mines." In the letter, Winslow again discussed Braddock's defeat & the role of New Englanders in the Crown Point campaign. See "Winslow's Journal, 2," 72-73 (quotation from 72). Was Winslow's friend William, Jr. the "Billy" who was eldest son of William Coffin, the affluent Boston tavern keeper & co-founder of that city's Trinity Church? If so, Billy was born in Boston on 11 Apr 1723, married Mary Aston, & was "an Addresser of General Gage," whatever that means. Along with many of his family members, Billy remained a Loyalist during the American Revolution. He died at Boston, MA, on 2 Dec 1803, age 80. See <http://www.geni.com/people/William-Billy-Coffin/6000000002354589950>. He & his family (except his older daughters, whose husbands were Whigs) likely were among the Tories of Boston evacuated by Gen. William Gage to Halifax, NS, in March 1776. Did he & his family remain in NS? When, & why, did he return to Boston?
45a. Quotations from "Winslow's
Journal 1," 238-39. See also
Moncreiffe's name is from "Winslow's Journal 1."
45b. After recording his exchange with Monckton, Winslow "proved" in his Journal, at least to his own satisfaction, that "I actually Marchd off with more men than I Left in Camp," meaning his unit colors belonged with the 4 companies going to Minas, not with the unit's remnants remaining at Fort Cumberland. Winslow also claimed "that it was Colo Lawrance order that I Should [go to Minas] and that I was to have 400 or 500 Man which I Exspected til the orders Came [that] cut for my Numbers," implying that Monckton, not Lawrence, did the cutting. See "Winslow's Journal 1," 239-40.
46. Quotations from
The list of provisions for 14 days, recorded on Aug 14, can be found in
Lawrence's letter in
46a. Quotations from "Winslow's
Journal 1," 243-44.
See also
47. See Faragher, A Great &
Noble Scheme, 340; "Winslow's Journal 1," 242, 245;
Lawrence's letter in
48. Quotations from
According to Johnson, "Chauvreulx," 3:120, Abbé
Lemaire
was a missionary from Île St.-Jean "whose mind had become deranged and whose
conduct was embarrassing his confrères," hence his lodging
with Fr.
49. Quotations
Lawrence's letter, given to Winslow by Murray on the 18th,
instructed Winslow to use the Grand-Pré church for his headquarters.
Winslow's letter to Monckton, dated Aug 23, described in brief his
movements from the time he left Chignecto until his arrival at
Grand-Pré & included what could only have been a dig at his former
commander over the flag incident back at Fort Cumberland: "...
and on Tuseday Landed & Incampt, between the Church & Church yard,
and Hoisted the King's Colours which are now Flying...." Does
this imply that Monckton returned the regimental colors to Winslow
before he left Beaubassin landing on Aug 16, or did Winslow somehow
acquire another stand of colors? See
51. Clark, A. H., Acadia, 211, counts 900 Acadians at Cobeguit at mid-century, before the first of the Acadian migrations began during the petite guerre of the early 1750s. See also Book Two.
53. Quotations from
54. Quotations from
55. Quotations from
The Endeavor's invoice of supplies for Winslow was endorsed
by Thomas Saul, Lawrence's supply-agent friend at Halifax, & dated
Aug 13. See
Murray's weekly ration, as conveyed to Winslow, was, per man, "7 lb.
Bread, Flower 1 lb. or half pinte Rice, Pork 4 lb. or 7 lb Beef,
pease 3 pintes, butter 6 ounces, if no Flower or Rice 8 lbs. Bread,"
all of which could be found in abundance at Minas. See
Jacques Thériot & his second wife Marie Robichaud soon
would be exiled to VA. There is no evidence that Jacques, who
would have been 64 in 1755, survived Le Grand Dérangement. He
may have died during the family's brief stay in VA or, more likely,
during
its 7-year stay in a disease-infested prison compound at
Southampton, England. Son Jean-Jacques, who turned 27 in Mar
1755, survived the ordeal in VA & Southampton, where he remarried to
fellow Acadian Marguerite-Josèphe Richard in c1762, was
repatriated to France aboard L'Ambition in May 1763, lived at
St.-Malo, where he fathered at least 9 children, including 2 sons,
both of whom died young, &, as a widower with 5 daughters, emigrated
to LA in 1785. He did not remarry again. He settled at
Bayou des Écores above Baton Rouge & then below Baton Rouge on the
Upper Acadian Coast, where he died at Manchac in Aug 1790, age 62.
Jacques Thériot's daughter Anne, from his first wife,
Marie-Marguerite LeBlanc, would have been 34 in 1755.
Anne ended up in MD with
55a. Quotations from
56. Quotation from Faragher, A
Great & Noble Scheme, 341.
The last quotation actually
is found in Winslow's letter to Lawrence, dated Aug 30, & addressed
to the governor, not to
One can be certain that Winslow's captains said nothing of the true nature of their mission to any of their men. Even the rumor of deportation would have sent many of the Acadians flying.
56a. Quotations from "Winslow's Journal 2," 88-89. See also Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 342; Appendix.
57. Quotations from Faragher,
A Great & Noble Scheme, 342
At the conclusion of a letter addressed to Lawrence on Aug 30,
Winslow, after promising the governor that he would do everything in
his power to affect the deportation, added: "as to Poor Father
Le-blond, I shall with your Excellency's Permition Send him to my
Own Place." See
Despite the strength of his picket lines, Winslow was so concerned
for the safety of his men that he issued an order requiring them to
acquire whatever water they needed only during the daytime.
See
58. Quotations from Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 342-43; "Winslow's Journal 2," 90. See also "Winslow's Journal 2," 88-89, 91.
Who was surgeon de Rodohan's wife?
Winslow's Journal for Sep 3 contains the strange notation: "This Day had a Consultation with the Captains the Result of which was that I should Give out my Citation to the Inhabitants tomorrow Morning." See "Winslow's Journal 2," 91. Was he referring only to the inhabitants at Grand-Pré? This would have given them only a single day's notice of the meeting to be held on Sep 5. How quickly could the summons have been read in all of the many scattered Minas communities beginning in the p.m. of Sep 2?
58a. Quotation from "Winslow's Journal 2," 90. See also Fortier, Louisiana, 1:156.
Fortier says the gathering was to be held on a Sunday, but Winslow's Journal is clear--it was Friday, Sep 5.
Note the lie about "his Majesty's Intentions." See note 44, above. One wonders why Winslow & Murray chose the age of 10, instead of emulating Monckton's age 16, in setting the age limit of who was compelled to attend the Sep 5 meeting.
59. Quotations from Faragher, A
Great & Noble Scheme, 343;
Crooker perhaps was a member of Winslow's staff.
In his Journal, Winslow placed Pvt. Jackson in "Colo Hopsons Regt.,"
which would have been the 29th. Hopson, governor of NS until
his resignation later in the year, was still in England, & Lawrence
was serving as his lieutenant-governor.
"Docter Rodion" was Alexandre de Rodohan, & the "Citation" he delivered to the inhabitants likely was Winslow's summons of Sep 2. Did Dr. de Rodohan read the summons in the outlying communities before he was ordered to read it to the residents of Grand-Pré? See Faragher, 342; "Winslow's Journal 2," 94.
60. Quotations from Faragher,
A Great & Noble Scheme, 343. See also
The fight at Minas was in Nov 1749, early in Le Loutre's petit-guerre, when a force of Mi'kmaq, aided by local Acadians, attacked Cpt. John Handfield's redcoat garrison at Vieux Logis, near the mouth of Rivière Gaspereau. See Book Two.
61. Quotation from Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 343. See also Arsenault, Généalogie, 1240, 1256; White, DGFA-1, 1013.
61a. Quotations from "Winslow's Journal 2," 94. See also Fortier, Louisiana, 1:156.
Fortier says Winslow had 290 men "fully armed."
62. Quotations from Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 343-44. See also Fortier, Louisiana, 1:156.
Winslow did not complete his count of the Minas prisoners until a few days later. He had hoped to bag at least 500 of them but fell dozens short of that number. See "Winslow's Journal 2," 97, 114-22; Winslow's 1755 List; Winslow, "French Inhabitants."
63. Quotations from Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 344-45; "Winslow's Journal 2," 94-95. See also Melanson, Melanson-Melançon, 28-29; "Winslow's Journal 2," 126.
I maintain here Winslow's quirky capitalization but defer to Faragher's spelling & grammar.
64. Quotations from Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 345.
65. Quotation from "Winslow's Journal 2," 95.
66. Quotations from
67. Quotations from "Winslow's Journal 2," 96-97. See also Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 346.
On Sep 5, Murray recited the same proclamation to the 183 men he rounded up at Fort Edward, which no doubt elicited the same response as the Acadians at Grand-Pré.
68. Quotations from "Winslow's
Journal 2," 97. See also
69. Quotation from "Winslow's Journal 2," 98. See also Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 346.
69a. See Clark, A. H., Acadia, 211.
70. Quotations from
Faragher, 347, contributes much of Handfield's rise from ensign to major, as well as his membership on the colonial Council, to his Winniett connections. Handfield's biographer mentions the connection but attributes Handfield's rise to his leadership qualities. See Godfrey.
71. See Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 346, 348.
Faragher, 348, says Handfield, "it seems, was unable to keep his orders secret, not surprising in a community as porous as Annapolis Royal." Giving the major his due, it is unlikely that he revealed his orders to anyone but his hand full officers. He certainly would not have informed his wife or any of her relatives. True, Annapolis Royal did not lie directly on the Bay of Fundy, but it nevertheless was a busy port, at least by NS standards. There is no evidence that Handfield confiscated the valley Acadians' boats & canoes on the eve of Monckton's offensive at Chignecto, as Murray had done in the Minas Basin. Annapolis Acadians, then, likely were aware not only of the ships coming thru the Gut, but also of the sail traffic on the nearby Bay of Fundy. Moreover, there was a road/portage connection between the upper reaches of the haute rivière & the major settlements of the Minas Basin. This gave the Annapolis Acadians an advantage over their Minas cousins when it came to knowing what was happening in the region.
72. Quotations from Faragher,
A Great & Noble Scheme, 346;
Marshall, 130, says "several British transports dropped anchor in Chignecto Bay" on Aug 31, but Winslow's Journal reveals that most of them had arrived days earlier.
Winslow at Minas, on an even larger scale,
also moved some of his prisoners to deportation transports on Sep 10.
See note
77. Quotations from Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 348-49.
The men of Tatamagouche, held in the same forts as the men of Chignecto and the trois-rivières, were deported with them to GA & SC on the same vessels--without their wives and children. The families at Tatamagouche, realizing, or having been told, that their men would not return, crossed Mer Rouge to Île St.-Jean perhaps with the exiles from Cobeguit who passed through the port from Sep 1755 into the spring of 1756 on their way to the island refuge. See LeBlanc, R.-G., "Miramichi," 5n15, 7n23; note 92, below. One wonders if any of the Tatamagouche families reunited after 1763.
78. Quotations from
To emphasize the out-of-the-picture position of Boishébert in 1755, he & even the St. John River cannot be found in Fred Anderson's magisterial history of the Seven Years' War, cited above.
79. Quotation from
Marshall says Frye's Yankees struck "Petitcodiac" on Sep 1 before moving on to "Chipody." Blakeley's timeline is followed here. Marshall asserts: "At each farm or village, they [Frye's New Englanders] first killed the livestock, then set houses and barns ablaze, before taking Acadians (mostly women and children) into custody." One suspects that some of the livestock were spared & loaded aboard Cobbs's transports.
Jedediah Preble, a MA major still at Fort Cumberland, in a letter to
MA Lieutenant Colonel Winslow, dated 5 Sep 1755, reported "Only
Twenty Three" Acadians were nabbed at Chepoudy.
Marshall calls the concentration points for the Acadian women & children at forts Cumberland & Lawrence "prison camps." They were what they were--concentration camps. One also could view these camps as Monckton's attempt to keep Acadian families together before placing them aboard the deportation transports.
81. Quotations from "Winslow's
Journal 2," 101; Faragher,
A Great & Noble Scheme, 350-51. See also
Both Maj. Preble & Cpt. Speakman called the surgeon "Doctr. March." See "Winslow's Journal 2," 100-01. Shoebottom intimates that the doctor's surname may have been Marsh.
82. See Faragher, A Great &
Noble Scheme, 351;
Boishébert reported 2 New Englanders killed & 45 wounded, which was only 3 more than the British reported. See Shoebottom, 6. Does this imply that all of the New English missing were wounded & not killed?
83. Quotation from Faragher, A
Great & Noble Scheme, 351. See also
84. Quotation from
85.
Evidently word of the incident spread fast among the Yankees.
Lt. Col. Winslow at Minas, in a letter to Monckton dated Sep 19,
echoes Maj. Preble's comments on the importance of New England in
the preservation of Nova Scotia: "... the acquisition of this
Province to the British Interest in Queen Anns time, was as much
owing to the New England troops as the reduction of Beausejour was
this year and without assistance of men from thence this Country
Must Inevitably Fell into the Hands of the French Last War, and
there is No other Seorse in time of Difficulty to be Depended on for
Soldiers but in the Same Channel and I Doubt [not] if the present
Set of Men are Slighted it will be impossible on a Future Occation
to raise men to assist Nova Scotia from New England, as one Great
Principal with out People is Honr and Good usage and the Consequence
of the reverse and what may happen next year I Cant be answerable
for."
87. Quotations from "Winslow's Journal 2," 123-24.
87a. Quotation from Winslow's Journal 2," 110.
88. Quotations from "Winslow's
Journal 2," 128-30. See also
89. Quotations from "Winslow's Journal 2," 135-36. See also Books One & Two.
90. Quotations from "Winslow's Journal 2," 136-37.
91. Quotations from "Winslow's Journal 2," 155.
92. See
LeBlanc, R.-G., "Miramichi," 7n23, citing Vaudreuil to the minister [of Marine], 19 Apr. 1757, series C11A vol. 102, f7r, AC, notes that "It is estimated that 225 refugees were still present in the Cobequid area in the spring of 1756." See Prévost to the minister, 6 Apr. 1756, series C11B vol. 36, f5v, AC. So if the New-Engish officers insisted that the entire settlement at Cobeguit had been abandoned by Sep 23, & an unnamed source reported to Gov.-General Vaudreuil that there were still over 200 refugees "in the Cobequid" area the following spring, then a substantial fraction of the Cobeguit exiles did not cross to Île St.-Jean in the late summer or fall of 1755 but escaped there later. A. H. Clark, 211, counts 1,000 habitants at "Cobequid and the Gulf Shrore" at mid-century. The dozens of Acadians living in the North Shore settlements at mid-century must be subtracted from that number, as well as the dozens, perhaps hundreds, of Cobeguit Acadians who emigrated to Île St.-Jean to escape the chaos in British NS between 1750 and the summer of 1755. See Books Two, Three, & Four. If these 225 Cobeguit Acadians did linger near their destroyed homesteads over the winter of 1755-56, it must have been a terrible ordeal for them. Perhaps the unnamed informant included the North Shore ports as part of "the Cobequid area" when he made his count for the governor-general. Corroborating the governor-general's unnamed source, Table 6.3 in Clark, A. H., Acadia, 211, entitled "Judge Charles Morris' estimate of the number of French families in the Bay settlements in 1756," counts 120 habitants at "Rive Cobeguet Cheganois Shubnacadie & round Cobequet Bason," a count made perhaps after the spring of that year, though Clarks says, inexplicably, that Morris's count was made "for the period before deportation...." See A. H. Clark, 210, italics added. Note also that Morris's count does not include the North Shore settlements, only those "round the Cobequet Bason." See Book Two for details of those settlement locations.
93. Quotations from "Winslow's Journal 2," 104,
94. Quotations from "Winslow's Journal 2," 104, 107-08.
94a. Quotations from "Winslow's
Journal 2," 108;
Faragher, 352, speculates that the a.m. incident may have been "An attempt to overwhelm the guard perhaps, or a try at escape."
94b. Quotation from Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 352. See also "Winslow's Journal 2," 113, 123.
94c. Quotation from Faragher,
A Great & Noble Scheme, 352. See also
Faragher places the embarkation on Sep 11, but
95. Quotations from "Winslow's Journal 2," 109; Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 352. See also Faragher, 353-54; Fortier, Louisiana, 1:157; "Winslow's Journal 2," 126.
Fortier says there were 4 transports, but Winslow's Journal says otherwise.
The young men's actual words are from Faragher, who has them & the women singing: "Let us bear the cross / Without choice, without regret, without complaint, / Let us bear the cross, / However bitter and hard."
Interestingly, Monckton at Chignecto, on a smaller scale, also had moved some of his prisoners to transports on Sep 10. See note 75, above.
96. Quotations from "Winslow's Journal 2," 110. See also "Winslow Journal 2," 126-27, 136.
For Winslow's ultimate awareness of the food transfer problem, see
Winslow to Saul, 20 Sep 1755, in
97.
98. Quotation from
99. Quotations from "Winslow's
Journal 2," 111, 124-25. See also
Marshall tells the tale, undocumented, of the deputies' families walking to Halifax as soon as they had learned the fate of their loved ones. They set up camp on the Dartmouth shore opposite Georges Island & appealed to Lawrence for compassion. "Lawrence, however," Marshall relates, "had no sympathy for their position and said as much." The families then begged to be deported with their loved ones, but Lawrence refused this also. And then the tale becomes even more fantastic: "During the night before their scheduled departure, several of the deputies managed to break out of the shed and headed under cover of darkness to the beach, where they found a small boat. Just as they were pulling away from the island, however, they were spotted by a corporal's guard and another boat--this time filled with redcoats--went out after them. In the excitement of seeing their families again, the men were taken off guard by the arrival of the redcoats, and in the scuffle that followed several unarmed Acadians were shot and killed." Marshall does not provide the names of the "dead." She says only that the redcoats escorted the entire group of Acadians--men, women, & children--back to island & its prison sheds. The following morning--she gives no date--"the Providence, which had been moored just off the north shore of Georges Island, set sail with the deputies in its hold, while their distraught families watched anxiously from behind barred windows." Marshal goes on: "As soon as ships could be hired, they [the families of the deported deputies] faced their own deportation and very likely never saw their loved ones again." The problem with this wonderful tale is that it does not comport with what actually happened to the imprisoned deputies--a rare instance, to be sure, of sensitivity on Lawrence's part. LeBlanc, R.-G., p. 6n14, insists: "Contrary to what several authors have concluded, the deputies imprisoned on Georges Island were reunited with their families before the deportation of their home communities." One of those "several authors" undoubtedly is Marshall.
Milling, 34n5, writing in the early 1940s
& evidently unaware of Winslow's Journal, speculates: "The
special prisoners aboard the Syren may have belonged to this
group [the dozens of imprisoned Acadian delegates], naturally
considered the leaders, since the deputations were confined on a
small island until the end of October, by which time the
transportation was well under way." Milling, 6, further
states, again citing Édouard Richard: "Fifty of the imprisoned
delegates at Halifax were transported, aboard the ship Providence,
to North Carolina." The 50 deportees aboard the Providence,
which left Halifax on Dec 30, were not the Acadian delegates but
rather Acadians from Mirliguèche who had been rounded up &
imprisoned on Georges Island. See note
145, below. Winslow's Journal
reveals that the deputies likely were removed from Georges Island
not at the end of Oct but in Sep, about the time that
the Mirliguèche Acadians were sent there.
100. Quotations from "Winslow's Journal 2," 126-28. See also "Winslow's Journal 2," 132-33; note 96, above.
101. Quotation from "Winslow's Journal 2," 124, 135. See also "Winslow's Journal 2," 128, 133-34, 136; note 99, above.
The original number of Annapolis delegates held on Georges Island was 30. See note 22a, above. What happened to the other 3?
102. Quotation from Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 356.
103. Quotations from Marshall, Acadian
Resistance, 134-35; "Winslow's Journal 2," 177;
Petit René was son of René Richard dit Beaupré & Marguerite Thériot & had married Perpétué, daughter of Joseph Bourgeois & Anne LeBlanc, at Annapolis Royal in Feb 1749. Petit René, who was age 29 at the time of his escape, died at Memramcook in Feb 1811, age 87, so he did not go to LA with his cousin Beausoleil. Petit René's paternal grandfather was Beauseoleil Broussard's mother's older brother. See White. Acadian descendants in LA today--the Cajuns--are still fond of ironic nicknames like "Tee" to describe large men.
Monckton, in an Oct 7 letter to Lt. Col. Winslow at Minas in which he gave the number 86 & described the escape tunnel, added: "It is the worse as they are all People whose Wives were not come in & of Chipoudi Pitcoudiack & Memeramkook," which hints that many of them, like Beausoleil, were recently captured partisans.
104. See Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 356; Marshall, Acadian Resistance, 135-36; White, DGFA-1, 284, 1373.
Marshall, 135, says Catherine Richard was age 90, but she would have been 92. See White, 1373. Marshall, 136, adds: "Her sons carried out her last request by taking her body back to the cemetery at Chipoudy and burying her next to their father." The problem with this is François Brossard/Broussard died at the end of Dec 1716 not at Chepoudy but on the haute rivière near Port-Royal. Moreover, Stephen White, a careful scholar whose work is documented, gives no death date or place for Catherine. See White, 284, 1373.
For evidence of whose son Victor was, see books Three & Ten;
105. See Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 357; Marshall, Acadian Resistance, 136-37.
106. Quotations from Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 356-57.
107. Quotations from "Winslow's
Journal 2," 142, 146, 155. See also
Dr. Don Landry, in
107a.
The total number of transports sailing thru the Gut on Oct
27 was 23. From Chignecto: the Boscawen,
heading to PA; the Union to PA; the Dolphin to
SC; the Edward Cornwallis to SC; the Endeavor
to SC; the Two Brothers to SC;
108. Quotations from Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 357; "Winslow's Journal 2," 187. See also Fortier, Louisiana, 1:157; "Winslow's Journal 2," 159.
The storm of Oct 6-7 also delayed the embarkation at Minas. See note 122, below.
109. See
109a.
Faragher says the 8 transports held 1,782 Acadians. Delaney
110. See Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 357-58.
111. Quotations from "Winslow's Journal 2," 134-35. See also "Winslow's Journal 2," 136.
112. Quotation from "Winslow's Journal 2," 136, 138. See also "Winslow's Journal 2," 137, 142; note 96, above.
113. Quotation from "Winslow's Journal 2," 139.
114. Quotations from "Winslow's Journal 2," 141, 152. See also "Winslow's Journal 2," 178.
Cobb was the miscreant whom Lt. Col. Monckton complained about to Winslow in a letter dated Oct 7. "At Gaspereau they have lost Several & Many ill, Since that Violent Storm" at the beginning of the month, Monckton informed the New Englander. "They attribute it to the Storm & the Badness of the Water," Monckton went on, "But by the accts I have I am afraid owing to Capt. Cobb, Who I am informed has been Dealing in Rum, Which he got from the French Houses." Monckton went on to say that he planned to relieve the ship's captain from his duties. See "Winslow's Journal 2," 178.
115. Quotation from "Winslow's Journal 2," 145. See also "Winslow's Journal 2," 146.
116. See Anderson, Crucible of War, 118-23; "Winslow's Journal 2," 147-48; Book Two.
The battle Rous referred to was fought near present-day Lake George, NY, on Sep 8. The French-Saxon baron who commanded the French forces, in fact, was wounded & captured in the action. See Anderson.
117. Quotations from "Winslow's Journal 2," 148-50. See also note 42, above.
118. Quotations from "Winslow's Journal 2," 153-54, 157-58, 163. See also "Winslow's Journal 2," 164-65.
119. Quotation from "Winslow's Journal 2," 155-56. See also Clark, A. H., Acadia, 209, Fig. 6.2; "Winslow's Journal 2," 154, 157-58; note 97, above.
Winslow told Captain Rous in a letter dated Sep 29 that he had only
"one Third part" of the transports he needed. See
Was "Jean Dine's" actual name John Dean? One wonders what was the name of his Acadian wife & what she thought of remaining at Minas while the members of her family were sent to God knows where.
120. Quotations from "Winslow's
Journal 2," 159. See also "Winslow's Journal 2," 160-64; note
121. Quotations from Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 358; "Winslow's Journal 2," 164. See also note 120, above.
122. Quotations from Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 358. See also Faragher, 359; Fortier, Louisiana, 1:157; Melanson, Melanson-Melançon, 29; "Winslow's Journal 2," 165-66, 168-69, 172.
Winslow does not name the vessels from which the young Acadians
escaped, but he does mention the ships' captains, Church & Stone.
See "Winslow's Journal 2," 165;
123. Quotations from "Winslow's Journal 2," 166; Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 359. See also Faragher, 358; Jehn, Acadian Exiles in the Colonies, 150; Wood, Acadians in Maryland, 116, 128-29.
Two François Héberts from Grand-Pré ended up in MD: a father & a son. The father was 45 in 1755, the son only 17, so one suspects that it was the father whom Winslow accused of organizing the escape. François, père was son of Jacques Hébert & Marguerite Landry & had been born at Grand-Pré in Apr 1710. He married Marie-Josèphe, daughter of Jean Melanson & Marguerite Dugas, at Grand-Pré in Nov 1732, & they took 9 children with them to MD, 8 sons & a daughter. François, fils married Marie LeBlanc in MD in c1762. François, père & his family were counted by colonial officials at Georgetown & Fredericktown, on the Eastern Shore, in Jul 1763; François, fils & his wife were counted at Baltimore. When François, père reached LA in Jul 1767, he was a widower. François, fils also came to LA at that time & settled near his father at St.-Gabriel above New Orleans on what came to be called the Upper Acadian Coast. See Jehn; Wood; Book Six; Hébert family page.
124. See "Winslow's Journal 2," 166.
125. Quotations from "Winslow's Journal 2,"
166-67. See also Clark, A. H., Acadia, 209, Fig.
6.2; Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 360; "Winslow's
Journal 2," 168-69, 182-83;
"Winslow's Journal 2," 182, a letter from Winslow to Monckton,
dated 3 Nov 1755, refers to Pointe-des-Boudrot as "Budros Bank on
the Fork between the Rivers Cannard & Habitant."
125a. Quotations from "Winslow's Journal 2," 166-67. See also "Winslow's Journal 2," 169, which makes it clear that Winslow agreed to forgive the miscreants if they promptly returned.
126. Quotations from
127. Quotation from Faragher,
A Great & Noble Scheme, 360. See also Faragher,
359;
Faragher, 359-60, says old René was deported with his wife
as well as his 2 youngest children. One of White's
sources, "Pétition des Acadiens déporté à Philadelphie,"
in É. Richard, Acadia: Missing Links of a Lost Chapter in
American History, 2:380, published in 1895, claims:
"... René LeBlanc, the Notary Public ... was seized,
confined, and brought away among the rest of the people, and his
family consisting of twenty children, and about one hundred and
fifty grandchildren, were scattered in different colonies, so that
he was put on shore at New York, with only his wife and two youngest
children, in an infirm state of health, from whence he joined three
more of his children at Philadelphia...."
128. Quotations from Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 360-61; "Winslow's Journal 2," 171. See also Martin, F.-X., Louisiana, 1:328; "Winslow's Journal 2," 173; Books One, Two, & Three.
"Winslow's Journal 2," 171, says his men encountered a "French Deserter" on horseback, fired over his head to warn him, & when he refused to halt, 1 of his men shot to kill. The Yankee patrol then encountered "a Party of the Same People[,] Fired upon them, but they made their Escape into the woods." "Winslow's Journal 2," 173, adds, however, that "This Evening [Oct 13] Came in and Privately Got on Board the Transportes the remains of Twenty Two of the 24 Deserters and of whome I Took notice, the Other one accordg [to] the Best accts from the French Suffered yesterday with his Comrade." That is, he died. So he evidently was among the party fired upon who fled into the woods. One wonders what were the names of these dead Acadian "deserters."
129. See Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 361; "Winslow's Journal 2," 170, 173.
130.
131. Quotations from Faragher,
A Great & Noble Scheme, 361; "Winslow's Journal 2," 172.
See also "Winslow's Journal 2," 176, 178, 182-83; notes 42,
110, &
122, above;
"Winslow's Journal 2," 178, calls the Endeavor the Encheere.
132. Quotations from "Winslow's
Journal 2," 173-74. See also Faragher, A Great & Noble
Scheme, 361-62; "Winslow's Journal 2," 177, 181-83;
note 130, above;
Faragher, 362, says Murray filled the 5 transports "at the rate of three persons per ton." Italics in the original.
133. Quotations from "Winslow's
Journal 2," 175, 179. See also
Monckton did not send the 3 transports, at least not before Winslow shipped off his 2,600+ Acadians on Oct 21. See "Winslow's Journal 2," 182.
Judging by the number of Acadians aboard the 5 transports that carried Minas
Acadians to CN, MA, & VA from 30 Nov to 20 Dec 1755, the number of
Acadians Winslow left at Grand-Pré when the 14 transports departed for Annapolis was closer to 755, not 500 or
even 600. See
134. Quotations from Faragher,
A Great & Noble Scheme, 362. See also Clark, A. H.,
Acadia, 140, 209, Fig. 5.9, a map entitled "Northern and
Eastern Acadian Settlements as of the Early Eighteenth Century,
Modern Place Names," & Fig. 6.2, a map entitled "Mines and Pisiqud:
Population, 1714"; "Winslow's
Journal 2," 179;
The colonies of destination for the Chignecto & Minas/Pigiguit
transports leaving Annapolis in late Oct were, from north to south,
MA, PA, MD, VA, SC, & GA. In subsequent, smaller deportations,
from Annapolis, Minas, Halifax, & Cap-Sable, which ran from Nov 1755 thru Apr 1756,
Acadian exiles also would go to CN, NY, & NC. None would be
sent to NH, RI, NJ, or DE, likely because of the small populations
of those colonies. One suspects that NY was spared a large
influx of "French Neutrals" during the fall of 1755 because of the
military campaigning there under Johnson & Shirley in the upper
region of the colony. See
Book Two;
135. Quotations from
Lawrence responded to Winslow's letters of Oct 27 & 31 on Nov 5 with the words: "I approve of the Measures you have taken to get clear of the Inhabitants and am in hopes that you have had an Oppertunity of Shipping off the remainder in the Transports from Chignecto as they must undoubtedly have arrived before this." See "Winslow's Journal 2," 183. But Monckton never sent the 3 transports from Chignecto. See note 133, above.
136. Quotation from "Winslow's Journal 2," 180. See also "Winslow's Journal 2," 181-82.
137. Quotation from Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 363. See also "Winslow's Journal 2," 181-82; Faragher, 362.
138a. Quotations from
Winslow's Journal 2," 184; Milling, Exile Without End, 11.
See also
139.
Faragher, 362, says that Winslow sent Adams's & Hobbs's companies to Handfield on Oct 31, but "Winslow's Journal 2," 182-83, containing letters from Winslow to Cpt. Adams & Winslow to Monckton, both dated Nov 3, show that he sent the force on that date, not the 31st. See also "Winslow's Journal 2," 190, Winslow to Gov. Shirley, dated Dec 19, which says he sent Adams & Hobbs "to Assist Majr Handfield" on Nov 3. Winslow instructed the 2 company commanders to remain with Handfield as long as they were needed, "And if it Should happen that you Should return here before the French Inhabitants are Embarked, to remain at this Camp [Grand-Pré] till Further orders. If otherwise to Proceed with your Party to Halifax," where they would join up with the rest of Winslow's command.
"Winslow's Journal 2," 182, a letter from Winslow to Lawrence, dated Oct 31, says "after Confering with Majr Murray it is agreed that the out Villages in our different districks be destroyed immediately, and the Grand Pre when the inhabitants are removed, Excepting Such the Germans Occupy as we Judge it unsafe to leave a Small Party there." Italics added. This implies that Murray destroyed the villages & mills at Pigiguit while Winslow was laying waste to the Minas settlements.
The "Mass House" Winslow's men destroyed in early Nov likely was the church of St.-Joseph-des-Mines at Rivière-aux-Canards, the only church other than St.-Charles-des-Mines (Grand-Pré) in that part of the Minas region. See Books One & Two; Appendix.
On Nov 12, before he left Pigiguit, Winslow received orders to
garrison Fort Sackville at Bedford, near Halifax, with 59 men.
See
"Winslow's Journal 2," 184. In a letter to Gov.
Shirley, dated Dec 19, Winslow says he left Minas on Nov 13 "with an
Officer and 54 Non Comission Officers and Private Men," reached
Halifax on the 19th, & "the Next Day my Party were Posted at
Dartmouth [across the harbor from Halifax] in Good Quarters."
He says nothing of their going to Fort Sackville. On Dec 9,
Preble, now promoted to Lt. Col., reached Halifax from Chignecto
"with a Detached Party." See
140. See note 118, above; Books One & Two.
141. Quotations from
One can imagine the chaos that would have ensued if Boishébert & even a part of his force of troupes de la marine & Acadian partisans could have crossed the Bay of Fundy in Nov & attacked Osgood's small force at Grand-Pré or Handfield's garrison at Annapolis Royal. But then how would Boishébert have spirited so many Acadian exiles across the formidable bay?
142. Quotations from "Winslow's Journal 2," 185-86, 188.
143.
Osgood to Winslow, written from Grand-Pré on Dec 20, details the embarkation of the last 2 transports at Minas & adds that "There is a Considerable Quantity of Provissions left of Pork[,] Beef, Mutton & Bread." And although there were still a substantial number of cattle at Minas, there was not enough fodder keep them there over the winter. Many of the cattle, Osgood reported, were not "fit for humane Creatures to Eat." See "Winslow's Journal 2," 192.
144. See
Faragher, 366, states that "five or six thousand [Acadians] had
escaped the nets cast at Chignecto, Minas, and Annapolis Royal."
He also insists that "some five thousand refugees and inhabitants
were living" on Île St.-Jean "by late 1755." This implies that
there were as many as 17,000 Acadians in the region on the eve of
Le Grand Dérangement.
145.
This author is proud to say that some of his direct ancestors were among the Acadians who were sent to NC aboard the Providence.
146. Quotation from Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 364.
147. See Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 365; Book Two.
148. Quotation from Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 365. See also Faragher, 366-68; notes 17, 19, & 44, above.
149. Quotations from Akins, ed., Papers Relating to the Forcible Removal of the Acadian French from Nova Scotia, 281, 283. See also Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 365.
150. Quotations from
151.
The italics in the first quotation are contained in Robinson's letter in Akins, ed.
152. Quotations from
153. Quotations from Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 367-68. See also Perrin, W. A., Acadian Redemption; note 151, above; Book Two.
Hence the Queen's symbolic apology of 9 Dec 2003 to the Acadian people. See W. A. Perrin.
154. Quotations from Faragher,
A Great & Noble Scheme, 370; "Winslow's
Journal 2," 186-87. See also
155. Quotations from
156. Quotationa from
157. Quotations from
Pierre Belliveau's going to Miramichi, not to Québec, is hinted at by his standing as godfather for sister Marguerite's son Pierre-Philippe Lachaussée at Restigouche, at the head of the Baie des Chaleurs, on 18 Mar 1761. See Arsenault, 1660.
159.
160.
Victims of the epidemic may have included: 2 sons of Paul Arseneau of Chignecto, who died at Québec in 1757; 6 children of Jean Breau of Chepoudy at Québec in 1757; 3 daughters of Pierre Saulnier of Petitcoudiac--Anne & Marie-Madeleine, perhaps twins, age 18; and Marie, age 15--at Québec in 1757; Amand Comeau of Minas, age 27, and his wife Marie-Claire Thibodeau, at Québec in 1757; Grégoire Comeau of Chepoudy, age 34, and his wife Marie Thibodeau, at Québec in 1757; Flavien Pitre of Chepoudy, age 11, at Québec on 25 Jul 1757; Jean dit Varouel Gaudet, age 67, at Québec on 28 Jul 1757; Ambroise Melanson of Annapolis Royal, age 72, at Québec on 7 Aug 1757; Marguerite Comeau of Annapolis Royal, age 58, widow of Ambroise Melanson, at Québec on 29 Aug 1757; Charles Melanson, fils of Annapolis Royal, age 20 months, at Québec on 1 Sep 1757; Marie-Josèphe Martin dit Barnabé of Annapolis Royal, age 40, wife of Paul Blanchard, at Québec on 10 Sep 1757; Pierre-Jérôme Darois of Peticoudiac, age 56, at Hôtel-Dieu, Québec, on 12 Sep 1757; François Richard of Annapolis Royal, age 30, at Québec on 15 Sep 1757; Charles Melanson, fils, age 84, of Annapolis Royal, at Québec on 19 Sep 1757; Joseph Melanson of Annapolis Royal, age 40, bachelor son of Charles, fils who had died on 19 Sep 1757, at Québec on 1 Oct 1757; Jean-Pierre Dupuis of Annapolis Royal, age 60, at Québec on 15 Oct 1757; Anne-Marie Aucoin of Annapolis Royal, age 70, widow of Pierre Thibodeau le jeune, at Québec on 16 Oct 1757; Alexandre Forest of Chignecto, age 56, at St.-Michel de Bellechasse on 27 Oct 1757; Françoise Haché dit Gallant, age 29, of Chignecto, wife of Jean Doucet, at Québec in Nov or Dec; Marie-Josèphe Brun, age 52, widow of Michel Poirier of Annapolis Royal, at Québec on 3 Nov 1757; Anne Mouton, age 30, widow of Joseph Richard of Annapolis Royal, 4 Nov 1757, at Québec; André Savary of Annapolis Royal & Petit-Ascension, Île St.-Jean, age 67, at St.-Jean, Île d'Orléans, on 8 Nov 1757; elderly sisters Marie & Marguerite Babineau, wives of Claude Landry, fils & Claude Melanson of Annapolis Royal, at Québec on 20 Nov & 12 Dec 1757, respectively; Marguerite Doucet, age 40, of Chignecto, at Québec, 21 Nov 1757; Marie-Rose Thibodeau of Annapolis Royal, age 47, wife of Pierre Blanchard & daughter of Anne-Marie Aucoin, at Québec on 21 Nov 1757; Madeleine-Hedwige Blanchard, age 22, at Québec in 23 Nov 1757; Louis-René Daigre of Minas at St.-Michel de Bellechasse on 23 Nov 1757; Guillaume Girouard, age 72, of Annapolis Royal at Québec on 23 Nov 1757; François dit Lami Boudrot, age 47, at Québec on 24 Nov 1757; Marie-Madeleine Girouard of Chignecto, age 45, wife of Claude Gaudet, at Québec on 24 Nov 1757; Madeleine Gaudet, age 75, widow of Michel Caissie of Chignecto, at Québec on 25 Nov 1757; brothers René dit Renochet & Jean-Baptiste Bernard of Chignecto at Québec on 26 Nov & 19 Dec 1757, & Renochet Bernard's wife Anne Blou at Québec on 4 Dec 1757; Renochet's daughter Madeleine Bernard, wife of Jean-Baptiste Richard, at Québec on 28 Nov 1757; Marie Richard of Chignecto, age 34, wife of Pierre Bourgeois, at Québec on 28 Nov 1757; Françoise Blanchard of Annapolis Royal, age 25, Madeleine-Hedwige's sister, at Québec on 30 Nov 1757; David Mire of Pigiguit, age 14, at Québec in Dec; Félix Boudrot, age 35, at Québec on 1 Dec 1757; Anne-Marie Comeau, age 39, wife of Honoré Savoie, at Québec on 1 Dec 1757; Jean Comeau of Chepoudy, age 60, Anne-Marie Comeau's uncle, at Québec on 2 Dec 1757; Marie-Josèphe Pitre, age 45, wife of Jean-Joseph Forest of Chepoudy, at Québec on 2 Dec 1757; Joseph Daigre of Minas & Île St.-Jean, age 61, Louis-René's older brother, at St.-Charles de Bellechasse on 7 Dec 1757; Anne Gaudet, age 35, wife of Pierre Richard, at Québec on 6 Dec 1757; Marguerite Richard dit Boutin of Annapolis Royal, age 36, wife of Jean dit Jean-François Breau, at Québec on 8 Dec 1757; Marguerite Babineau of Annapolis Royal, age 63, widow of Claude Melanson, at Québec on 12 Dec 1757; Anne Comeau of Chepoudy & Petitcoudiac, wife of Pierre Crisac & widow of Joseph Levron, at Québec on 12 Dec 1757; Joseph dit Canadien Richard of Annapolis Royal, age 39, at Québec on 13 Dec 1757; Simon Richard of Annapolis Royal, age 36, unmarried, at Québec on 13 Dec 1757; Marie-Josèphe Trahan of Minas, age 60, widow of René Saulnier, at Québec on 13 Dec 1757; François dit François Magdelaine Richard of Annapolis Royal, age 30, Simon's younger brother, at Québec on 14 Dec 1757; Madeleine Gaudet, age 45, wife of Pierre dit Perroche Hébert, at Québec on 14 Dec 1757; Jean Darois of Petitcoudiac, age 57, brother of Pierre-Jérôme who died at Hôtel-Dieu, Québec, in Sep, at Québec on either 16 or 17 Dec 1757; Charles Bourg, age 37, at Québec on 17 Dec 1757; brothers Étienne le jeune, age 40, and Guillaume Comeau, age 34, of Annapolis Royal, at Québec on 17 Dec 1757; Simon dit Nantois Levron, age 37, of Minas, at Québec in 17 Dec 1757; Isabelle Guilbeau of Annapolis Royal, age 26, wife of Jean-Baptiste Richard, at Québec on 18 Dec 1757; François Doucet, age 66, of Chignecto, brother of Marguerite who died on Nov 21, probably at Québec on 20 Dec 1757; Marie-Josèphe dite Josette Gaudet, age 22, younger sister of Anne & wife of Abraham Poirier, at Québec on 20 Dec 1757; Ursule Gautrot, age 40, widow of Nicolas Barrieau, fils, at Québec on 20 Dec 1757; Jean Bertrand l'aîné at Québec on 20 Dec 1757; Élisabeth Melanson, age 40, of Chignecto and Chepoudy, wife of Olivier Thibodeau & daughter of Ambroise Melanson who died on 7 Aug 1757, at Québec on 20 Dec 1757; Olivier Thibodeau, age 45, husband of Élisabeth Melanson who died the day before, and brother of Marie-Rose who died on Nov 21, at Québec on 21 Dec 1757; Charles Blanchard of Annapolis Royal, age 60, at Québec on 21 Dec 1757; Joseph Saulnier of Minas, age 37, died on 21 Dec 1757; Joseph Thibodeau of Annapolis Royal, age 46, widower, at Québec on 21 Dec 1757; Jean Bastarache of Annapolis Royal, age 59, at Québec on 22 Dec 1757; Jean-Joseph Forest of Chepoudy, age 54, borther of Alexandre who died on Oct 27, at Québec on 22 Dec 1757; Brigitte Landry of Annapolis Royal, age 36, at Québec on 23 Dec 1757; Jean-Baptiste dit Toc Landry of Annapolis Royal, age 64, at Québec on 24 Dec 1757; Anne Melanson, age 45, of Annapolis Royal, wife of Joseph Landry, daughter of Charles, fils who had died on 19 Sep 1757, & sister of Joseph who had died on 1 Oct 1757, at Québec on 24 Dec 1757; Joseph-Grégoire Richard of Annapolis Royal, age 33, at Québec on 24 Dec 1757; Marguerite Girouard of Annapolis Royal, age 44, wife of Alexandre Guilbeau, at Québec on 25 Dec 1757; Anne-Hélène Blanchard of Annapolis Royal, age 33, widow of Étienne Comeau le jeune who had died on Dec 17 & sister of Françoise who had died on Nov 30, at Québec on 27 Dec 1757; Marie-Josèphe Savoie of Annapolis Royal, age 51, widow of Jean-Baptiste Poirier, at Québec on 30 Dec 1757; Claude Landry III of Annapolis Royal, age 43, at Québec on 31 Dec 1757; Charles Melanson of Annapolis Royal, age 35, father of Charles, fils who died at Québec on 1 Sep 1757 & son of Marguerite Babineau who died at Québec on 12 Dec 1757, at St.-Charles de Bellechasse on 31 Dec 1757; Marie-Josèphe Lanoue of Annapolis Royal, age 40, at Québec on 1 Jan 1758; Marguerite Thériot of Minas, age 46, widow of Joseph Surette of Peticoudiac, at Québec on 2 Jan 1758; Pierre Leprince of Annapolis Royal, age 36, at Québec on 4 Jan 1758; Charles Belliveau of Annapolis Royale, age 60, hero of the Pembroke affair, at Québec on 5 Jan 1758; Marie-Jeanne Bourgeois of Chignecto, age 64, at Québec on 7 Jan 1758; Charles Doiron III of Minas & Île Madame, age 42, at Québec on 7 Jan 1758; André Simon dit Boucher, fils of Annapolis Royal, age 46, at St.-Michel de Bellechasse on 7 Jan 1758; Angélique Richard of Annapolis Royal, age 60, wife of Jean Bastarache who had died on Dec 22, at Québec on 9 Jan 1758; Joseph Savary of Minas and Anse-à-Dubuisson, Île St.-Jean, age 36, son of André who died on Nov 8, at St.-Charles de Bellechasse on 9 Jan 1758; Claude Landry, fils of Annapolis Royal, age 68, at Québec on 11 Jan 1758; Marie-Françoise Roy of Minas, age 54, wife of Étienne Trahan, at St.-Pierre-du-Sud on 12 Jan 1758; Guillaume-Gaspard, infant son of Jacques Levron of Chepoudy, buried at Québec on 13 Jan 1758; René Blanchard, fils, age 33, at Québec on 13 Jan 1758; Antoine Barrieau, fils & his father Antoine, père of Minas & Anse-à-Dubuisson at St.-Charles de Bellechasse on 17 Jan & 22 Jan 1758; René Roy dit Renaud dit Potvin of Annapolis Royal and Île St.-Jean, age 49, son-in-law of Joseph Daigre who died on Dec 7 & younger brother of Marie-Françoise Roy who died on Jan 12, at St.-François-du-Sud on 18 Jan 1758; Étienne Trahan of Minas & Île St.-Jean, age 68, widower of Marie-Françoise Roy, who died a week earlier, at St.-Pierre-du-Sud on 19 Jan 1758; Jeanne Pellerin of Annapolis Royal, age 70, widow of Pierre Surette, at Québec on 27 Jan 1758; Marguerite Doiron of Minas & Île Madame, age 29, sister of Charles III, at Québec on 29 Jan 1758; Pierre Richard, fils of Chignecto, age 30, at Québec on 29 Jan 1758; Marie-Josèphe Landry, age 40, wife of Joseph Raymond of Annapolis Royal, at Québec on 5 Feb 1758; Madeleine Gautrot of Minas & Île St.-Jean, age 58, widow of Joseph Daigre who had died on Dec 7 & mother-in-law of René Roy who died on Jan 18, at St.-Charles de Bellechasse on 10 Feb 1758; Marguerite Melanson of Annapolis Royal, age 74, widow of Jean-Baptiste dit Toc Landry who died on Dec 24 and mother of Marie-Josèphe Landry who died on Feb 5, at Québec on 12 Feb 1758; Jean-Baptiste Trahan of Minas & Île St.-Jean, age 53, brother of Étienne who died on Jan 19, at St.-Charles de Bellechasse, on 14 Feb 1758; Brigitte Landry of Annapolis Royal, age 28, daughter of Marguerite Melanson, at Québec on 15 Feb 1758; Marie Boudrot of Minas & Anse-au-Matelot, age unrecorded, wife of Paul Trahan, brother of Étienne & Jean-Baptiste, at St.-Charles de Bellechasse on 21 Feb 1758; Marie-Madeleine Thibodeau of Annapolis Royal & Île Madame, age 40, widow of Charles Doiron III who died on Jan 7, at Québec on 27 Feb 1758; Marie Girouard & husband Jean Trahan of Minas & Baie-des-Espagnols, brother of Étienne & Jean-Baptiste, at St.-Charles de Bellechasse on 13 & 24 Mar 1758; Cécile-Marguerite Benoit, age 30, of Minas, wife of Joseph LeBlanc, at Québec on 17 Mar 1758; Madeleine Forest of Annapolis Royal, age 48, & wife of Pierre Guilbeau, at St.-Charles de Bellechasse on 27 Mar 1758; Pierre Guilbeau of Annapolis Royal, age 54, at St.-Charles-de-Bellechasse on 3 Apr 1758; Paul Martin of Petitcoudiac or Annapolis Royal, age 40, at St.-Charles de Bellechasse on 6 April 1758; Charles Landry of Annapolis Royal, age 25, son of Marguerite Melanson, at Québec on 8 Apr 1758; François Comeau of Chepoudy, age 58, Jean's brother, at Québec on 28 Apr 1758; Jean Melanson, age 46, of Annapolis Royal, at Québec on 13 May 1758, son of Charles, fils who had died on 19 Sep 1757, brother of Joseph who had died on 1 Oct 1757, & of Anne on 24 Dec 1757, & father of Marguerite & Madeleine, who had died on 11 Dec 1757 & 11 Jan 1758; Pierre le Cadet Prejean of Annapolis Royal on 22 May 1758; Jean-Baptiste Brun of Annapolis Royal, age 42, at Québec on 23 May 1758; Jean-Baptiste Pitre of Annapolis Royal, age 57, at Québec on 8 Jun 1758; & Jean-Baptiste Melanson of Annapolis Royal, age 5, son of Jean Melanson, at Québec on 1 Jul 1758, perhaps among the last of the epidemic's many victims. See Arsenault, 153, 492, 740, 760, 762, 830, 1033, 1138, 1420, 1444, 1543, 1565, 1567; White, DGFA-1, 66, 81, 116, 126, 128, 207, 210, 257, 292, 295, 373, 376, 385-86, 390, 448-49, 470, 523-24, 535-56, 601, 636, 638, 671, 673, 677, 683-84, 697, 700, 720, 723-24, 735-36, 781, 795, 940, 952, 959, 1094, 1131, 1138, 1155, 1158-59, 1164, 1239, 1279, 1320, 1323-25, 1352, 1379, 1386, 1388-89, 1391, 1393, 1425-26, 1455, 1458, 1469, 1476, 1500, 1516, 1518, 1520, 1538-39, 1541, 1544; Melanson, Melanson-Melançon, 43, 50-53, 68-69; White, DGFA-1 English, 235; Books Three & Six. 132
161. Quotation from
Brasseaux says 1,500 exiles were sent to VA but does not explain the origin of this grossly inflated number. Although SC was the destination of more transported exiles--1,167--the terrible death toll aboard the ship Edward Cornwallis on its way to Charleston--210 of the 417 aboard!--placed fewer in that colony than came to VA, where most of the exiles sent there arrived alive if not in good health. See note 174, below.
164.
Anderson, 761n3, says: The Burgesses' bounty on Indians scalps was L10 & "only served to encourage the murder of neutral, Christianized, and friendly Indians and was repealed as having not 'answer(ed) the purposes ... intended,' in 1758."
165.
Quotation from Millard, "The Acadians in Virginia," 245.
See also
Hodson's quotation from Dinwiddie's letter to Robinson differs a bit from Millard's rendition. Hodson has the governor protesting how "disagreeable" it is "to have 1000 French imported, when many of the same Nation are committing the most cruel Barbarities on our Fellow Subjects in the back Country."
166. Quotations from Millard, "The Acadians in Virginia," 246, 257n7. See also Millard, 248.
167.
See note 157, above;
168. Quotations from Millard, "The Acadians in Virginia," 257n7.
169.
Quotations from Millard, "The Acadians in Virginia," 250, 257-58n7.
Faragher, 382, also says that "Although the government kept most of the exiles aboard the transports for the winter, apparently some were placed in quarters on land...." The Council report of Nov 22 hints that most of the exiles were "placed in quarters" at 3 locations & only some of them remained aboard the transports.
170.
171. Quotations from Millard, "The Acadians in Virginia," 246. See also Deans, The River Where America Began; Millard, 247; Taylor, A., Internal Enemy, chap. 1; "Winslow's Journal 2," 192; online Wikipedia, "Shawnee"; Book Two.
The small party of "Neutrals ... sent to So. Caro." & taken by the Shawnee to Fort Duquesne likely included Alexandre Broussard dit Beausoleil and his son Victor, who had escaped confinement in SC in the spring of 1756 & made their way overland to the St. John River valley. Continuing on to the Gulf of St. Lawrence shore, they reunited with their family & joined the Acadian resistance led by Alexandre's younger brother, Joseph dit Beausoleil.
Acadians would have known blacks & mulattoes among the crews of New-English merchantmen with whom they traded for nearly a century; the rare traveling Acadian merchant would have encountered not only Africans, but also black slaves, in any of the major Anglo-American ports where he would have conducted business; & there were free blacks & mulattoes among the New-English troops that helped round up the Acadians a few months earlier. See "Winslow's Journal 2"; Books One & Two.
A hint that Acadians may have escaped from the VA communities can be found in a 24 May 1756 letter from Dinwiddie to Secretary Robinson, in which the VA governor notes: "... I hope it will appear more eligible than their remaining here, as it's more than probably they would have found means to have joined the French on the Ohio." See Millard, 247.
172.
Quotations from
Perhaps in late winter Dinwiddie was aware that the governors of SC & GA were preparing to allow the Acadians sent to their colonies the previous fall to return to NS via water.
173.
Quotations from Millard, "The Acadians in Virginia," 246, 255n5. See also
Dodson states that "By the summer of 1756, none of the eleven hundred refugees sent to Virginia remained. Nearly a quarter had died of disease and malnutrition." He must be referring to the large number of deaths in England.
The first of the Acadians from VA reached Falmouth only a month after Britain declared war on France on 17 May 1756.
174.
Quotation from Milling, Exile Without End, 1.
See also
Rebellion Road is located just outside Charleston Harbor between present-day Fort Sumter & Mount Pleasant, off the northwestern tip of Sullivan's Island.
175. Quotations from Milling, Exile Without End, 1-2. See also Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 384; note 43, above.
The Baltimore, under Captain T. Owen, did not leave
Annapolis Basin until Dec 8 with 7 transports bound for CN,
NY, NC, & SC. The Baltimore went to NY before
going to SC. See note
138, above;
176. Quotation from Milling, Exile Without End, 8.
177. Quotations from
Milling, Exile Without End, 8
178. Quotations from Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 384; Milling, Exile Without End, 9.
179. Quotations from
Milling, Exile Without End, 9. See also
Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 384-85;
180. Quotation from
Milling, Exile Without End, 9. See also
Milling, 40-42; notes
181. See Milling, Exile Without End, 40; White, DGFA-1, 513-26.
Milling first provides the given & family names of the heads of household as recorded by the ship's clerk, followed by his rendition of the names, some of which also are in error & are corrected here.
Milling translates Duram/Duran to Durand, but it likely was Doiron, a prominent family at Chignecto whose members possessed the given names listed here. Peter Gold was not a Gourde but another Doiron--Pierre dit Pitre dit Gould. See White, especially 518; Book Two.
182. See Milling, Exile Without End, 41.
Was Louis a surname or a given name for Jean? Quessy is Caissie, followed here. Who were the progenitors of the Demers, Fournier, and Mayer or Douaire families at Chignecto, or are these misspellings?
183. See Milling, Exile Without End, 42; note 75, above.
Who were the progenitors of the Aubin, Blanchet, Grenon, Jeanveau or Juneau, Ouellette, & Trudeau families at Chignecto, or are these misspellings? They sound more like Canadian than Acadian surnames.
184. See
Brasseaux says the Acadians who emigrated to LA made up "roughly seventy percent of all Acadians remaining in France." Mouhot says it was closer to half.
185. See
252. See Brasseaux, "Scattered to the Winds," 38; Mouhot, "Emigration of the Acadians from France to LA," 133-67; note 184, above; Appendix.
271. See notes 36, 43, 74, 76, 81, 83, 85a, 86, 104, 148, & 149, above; Book Two.
339. See Micheline
D. Johnson, "Maillard (Maillart, Mayard, Mayar), Pierre
(sometimes called Pierre-Antoine-Simon)," in DCB,
3:415-16, &
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